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ANNEXATION OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



SPEECH 



HON. RICHARD R PETTIGREW, 



OK SOUTH D^IvOT^, 



SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 



JUNE 22 AND 23, 1898. 



^V A S 1 1 1 N G T O M. 



1898. 



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SPEECH 



HON. RICHAllD r. PETTIGHEW. 



The Senate having under consideration the joint resohit ion ( H. Ros. 259) 
to provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States — 

Mr. PETTIGREW said: 

Mr. PitEsiDEXT: I hadhopeil thatthecontroversy with regard to 
the ac(iuisition of new territory, that the contest over changing the 
policy of this country as it has existed for a century, that the ques- 
tion whether we ought to adopt an imperial policy and acrjuiro 
distant colonies to be ruled by us against their consent, would, in 
view of existing circumstances, have been delayed until this war 
was over, until the whole question could be considered, ixntil the 
American people could have thought upon the subject, until we 
could have decided upon a policy as to whether we would revolu- 
tionize the purposes of this Government, and that next winter we 
would take up this question, when we would have time to deliber- 
ately act upon the proposition to formulate a colonial policy. 

No one for one moment pretends that we intend to admit the 
Asiatic people of Hawaii or of the Philippines into full citizenship 
under the Goverament of this country; but, instead of that, pro- 
jielled by an interest which has gathered around this Capitol for 
the past several months or years, an interest in the production of 
sugar by Hawaiian labor, certain gentlemen, having less of pa- 
triotism than I hoped they might possess, bring this question here 
now and undertake to force it through Congress as a war measure. 

I contend that the area of this country is great enough, if we 
would maintain free institutions under a republican form of gov- 
ernment. For in a republic, founded upon the principles of equal- 
ity and universal suffrage, it is essential that the individual voter 
shall have a knowledge of, and be familiar with, the methods of 
government; and if the country is so vast and the problems of 
government are so complicated that it is impossible for the voter 
to have or acquire this familiar knowledge, how is it possible for 
him to act intelligently? Htnvis it possible for him to know that 
by his vote he is sustaining free institutions? 

PAST UKPL'ULKS Of SMAI.F. AltEA. 

In the past republics liave been of small area— a single city per- 
haps—with a comparatively small population. Tlio founders of 
this Government, recognizing the difficulty of maintaining as a 
unit a republic of exten.sive proportions, inaugurated the Federal 
system, a union of sovereign States, hoping thereby to extend self- 
government over vast areas and to maintain therein the jiurityof 
republican principles, each State lieing in itself a repul)lic. each 
State of necessity containing a population indigenous to its climate 
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and possessing a soil that would bountifully respond to the ener- 
fjizing touch of men capable of governing themselves. There! ore 
the founders of our Government made it an unwritten law that 
no area should be brought within the bounds of the Republic 
which did not and could not sustain a race equipped in all essen- 
tials for the maintenance of free civilization and capable of uphold- 
ing within its boundaries a republican form of government. 

For the purpose of unifying a vast area within the bounds of 
the Republic it was enacted that the central Government, the 
Government of the United States, should be a government of lim- 
ited powers, a government possessing only such powers as were 
conferred upon it by the Constitution, all other sovereign rights, 
all other powers common to a sovereign, being retained by the 
States themselves, retained by the people themselves as inhabi- 
tants of the States. Therefore, if we adopt a policy of acquiring 
tropical countries, where republics can not live, and where free, 
self-governing people have never lived since the world had a his- 
tory, we overturn the theory npon which this Government is 
established and we do violence to our Constitution. 

T.MPEKIALISM AND CONQUEST. 

The whole theory of our Government precludes centralization 
of power; the wliole theory of our Government sustains the idea 
that the United States as a government shall do only those things 
delegated to it in the Constitution. 

But, Mr. President, our Federal system has not accomplished 
the purpose for which it was created; it has not fultilled the ex- 
pectation of its authors. Before we acquire more territory, before 
we start upon a policy of imperiali-sm and of conquest, "it is our 
duty to inipiire whether our area and population are not already 
too great. Centralization has gone on so rapidly since the war of 
the rebellion that already our people are looking to the Govern- 
ment of the United States as the source of all power through which 
all relief must come. 

Mr. President, the concentration of power in the hands of the 
Federal Government has been followed by encroachments by the 
Federal courts upon the sovereignty of the States and upon the legis- 
lative and executive branches of the Government itself, and it has 
made tlie courts almost supreme in oiir afifairs. 

Within the past thirty years the wealth of the United States, 
which was once fairly distributed, has been accumulated in the 
hands of a few: so that, according to the last census, 2.JU.000 men 
own $il,000,OOO.OUO, or over three-fourths of the wealth of this 
country, while 52 per cent of our population practically have no 
property at all and do not own their homes. It would naturally 
be supposed that the 4S per cent of the people who still have an 
interest in the propertj' of the nation would be the governing 
classes. Recent events, however, point unmistakably to the fact 
that the 2")0.000 people who own nearly all the wealth have com- 
bined with the 'yi per cent of our population who have no prop- 
erty, and by gaining control of a great patriotic political organ- 
ization have usurped the functions of government and established 
a plutocracy. 

Among all plutocracies of the past, as well as among all mon- 
archies of the past, whenever all power and all property have 
been gatliered into the hands of the few and discontent appears 
among tlie masses, it has been the policy to acquire foreign po.s- 
B'jssions, to enlarge the army and the navy, to employ discon- 



tout ami distract its attention. The recent attempt on the part 
of the United States to acquire foreign territorj', coming as it does 
along with an ever-increasing clamor for the enlargement of the 
Army and for the creation of a great navy, is snflicient to alarm 
patriotic citizens and lead to an anxious inquiry as to whither 
Ave are drifting. 

ROME RUINED BY COXQrEST. 

Rome was organized as a Republic, and for the first six hundred 
years of her history had the best government then existing on the 
globe. To be a Roman citizen was greater than to be a king. 
She consolidated her power until she ruled all Italy. She began 
to spread out along the northern coast of the Mediterranean; but 
when the policy of acquiring and governing a people who could 
have no part iu her republican form of government began, Rome 
ceased to exist as a Republic and became an Empire. The misery 
and ruin of her people began. When she conquered Egypt and 
Asia, having populations the same as those countries possess to- 
day, of low consuming power and great tenacity of life, the 
Roman found he was no competitor in the growing of crops and 
in other industrial enterprises. 

The Roman of those days was as the Anglo-Saxon of to-daj- — a 
man of great vitality, requiring excellent nurture, the best of 
food, and plenty of it. When lie came into competition with, 
when he conquered and undertook to govern, when he absorbed 
the Asiatic races, people with a low vitality and great tenacity of 
life, human machines who could subsist upon the least of food 
and perform the most of work, the Roman farmer was destroyed 
and the Roman Empire passed away. 

James Bryce, in speaking of this period of Roman history, says: 

The ostentation of humility which the subtle policy of Augustus had con- 
ceived and the jealous hypocrisy of Tiberius maintained w.is gradually 
dropped by their successors, imtil despotism became at last recognized in 
jirinciple as the government of the Roman Emi)ire. With an aristoiTa<-y do- 
cayed, a populace degraded, an army no longer recruited from Italy, the 
.'semblance of liljerty that yet survived might be swept away with impunity. 
Republican forms had never been known in the provinces at all- 
Will they be with ours?— 

and the aspect which the imperial administration had orig:inally assumed 
there soon reacted on its position in the capital. ♦ * » This increased con- 
centration of power was mainly required Ijy the necessities of frontier de- 
fense. For within there wiis more decay than disaffection. 

The fact of the matter is that when the Roman Republic was 
founded most of its people were farmers. Their farms did not 
exceed 12 acres in area, indicating a dense rural population. No 
foreign foe could march through that compact rural i)opulafion 
of landowners to the wall of Rome. They were successful farmers 
and prosperous, and they made mighty soldiers. Cincinnatus left 
the plow and led legions on to victory. But during the first cen- 
tury of the Christian era centralization had done its work. The 
lands had been absorbed by the usurer and gathered into vast es- 
tates, cultivated by tenants and often by slaves; the mines of gold 
and silver in Spain and Greece had been worked out. 

The price of farm products had fallen, as they were cnmpelled 
to compete with the rich graiiaries of Egypt. Roman legions were 
no longer recruited among the farmers who tilled the soil. The 
soldiers were foreign mercenaries. Roman institiitions faded 
away under the influences which gradually took possession of that 
empire and destroyed its vitality; and the same story can be told 



of every nation throngb all history from the very moment it de- 
parted from its i)olicy of peace, its internal policy, and entered 
nj)on a career of conqnest. 

One of the oldest nations in the world to-day is Japan. She has 
had a succession of rulers for two thousand seven hundred years. 
For two hundred and fifty years previous to 1809 no foreigner was 
allowed to set foot upon the soil of Japan. She lived witliin her- 
self. There was no desire for conquest, and no foreign debt. 
The result is that, in iny opinion, to-day she possesses the most 
civilized people upon the globe, adopting everything that is good 
and rejecting everything that is bad in modern civilization. Ja- 
pan holds everytliing within her own Governinent. There is no 
foreign debt. No foreigner is allowed to own stock in any of her 
companies or to own her soil. There is that peace and satisfac- 
tion, that comfort and contentment among the masses of her peo- 
ple that no other nation I know of possesses. But if she starts 
upon a career of conciuest, if she allows the best blood of her peo- 
ple to depart to foreign lands to conquer and make serfs of an in- 
ferior i)eople, from that day will date the ruin and decline of 
Japan. 

ecu PAST POLICY IS OUR STRENGTH. 

I bfelieve these problems, as they have been wrought in the 
crucible of the past, are the ones that should absorb the thought- 
ful consideration of our people. 1 believe attention should not be 
taken from those great questions of economics and government, 
from the great questions now revitalized in gigantic trusts and 
corporations, and should not be distracted by a career of conquest. 

I believe it is my duty, under these circumstances, to resist on 
all occasions the acquisition of any territory beyond our borders 
not contiguous to our present territory and peopled by an unwill- 
ing and an inferior race. 

To-day we have no territory that it requires a navy to defend. 
The United States is so situated that she can say whether she will 
have peace or war. We possess no territory that can be acquired 
or held by a foreign foe, even if we owned not one single ship; 
and no nation, however great or strong, can gain any advantage 
by a war with us. But the moment we acquire distant posses- 
sions, we must build a navy to defend them, for in case of war 
these possessions would l)e first attacked and taken from us. 
France, England, and Germany have possessions scattered all over 
the world, and are consequently compelled to maintain immense 
navies to defend them. The.se possessions, in case of war, furnish 
so many points of attack, so many embarrassments, so many op- 
portunities for national humiliation, that the strife is to see who 
can maintain tlie greatest fleet upon the sea. Shall we enter the 
arena of this contest? 

From our earliest history we have insisted that we would en- 
gage in no entangling alliances, that we would acquire no territory 
that required a navy to defend. We have said that we would at- 
tend to our own affairs, and that our interests demanded that no 
European country should gain further foothold upon the Western 
Hemisphere; and so strong has been our moral position that with- 
out a navy we have been able to enforce this doctrine. 

When the French entered Mexico, we had but to indicate our 
displeasure and they departed; but the very moment we adopt the 
policy of acquiiing distant territories, the very moment we enter 



upon a policy of acquisition and annexation, upon a colonial 
system of government, the moral force of our position is ^one. I 
apprehend that, instead of being opposed, Franco and England 
would be glad if we would acciuire distant islands and thereby 
place ourselves in the position they occupy in relation to the bal- 
ance of the world. 

The following from Henry Clews's "Weekly Financial Review 
of June, 18lt8, is in point: 

The following is an cxtrar^t from a letter wbich I recently received from 
an influential nieniber of Parlianieiit representing one of "Great Britain's 
largest cities, which speaks for itself: 

"Just a lino to say that I do not a£jree with vour circular letter, which I 
have just read, whore you suggest tli:it the Philippines should bo given back 
to Si>ain for Cuba. I hope you will kfcp the iMiiliiipines. It is time your 
people began to do some work in the world outside vour own country. You 
will have to do it eventually, and you may as well begin now a.s wait. 1 am 
afraid it will not be many years until we have to do some joint account fight- 
ing with continental countries for possession of the parts of the world which 
are misgoverned at present." 

They know too well that colonial acquisition would be an ele- 
ment of weakness: that distant possessions would be hostages for 
the safety of which we would yield points of right and surrender 
questions of princii)le. 

THE MONROE DOCTKIXE AND A COLONIAL POLICY. 

How could we invoke the Monroe doctrine and insist that for- 
eign countries should not acquire territory in North and South 
America if, after our repeated declarations" that we had no inten- 
tion to annex Hawaii, wo should proceed to annex it? Would 
they not jtistly claim that we would pursue the same course in 
regard to the republics of North and South America, with the 
purpose of ultimately acquiring them ourselves? How could we 
longer argue that we only seek to do right; that we only seek to 
furnish an example to the world of man's capacity for self- 
government, the golden rule of doing to others as yoii would be 
done by? 

What limit can be set to our future acquisition if we once com- 
mence a colonial policy and actiitire territory in the Tropics, where 
self-government is impossible? 

Mr. President, I contend that it has been the tradition and 
policy of the people of the United States to acquire no territory 
that would require a navy to defend. 

Mr. Jefferson, in writing to President Madison April 27, 1803, 
said: 

It will be objected to our receiving Cuba that no limit can then be drawn 
to our future .icriui.sitions. Cuba can bedefonded by us without a navv; and 
this develops the principle which ought to limit our vicw.i. Nothing .should 
ever be accepted which would require a navy to defend it.— 5 Jefferson't 
^^'orks, 44;i. 

Secretary Frelinghuy.sen, in a note to Mr. Langston dated Juno 
20, 1883, .says: 

The policy of this Government, as declared on many occasions in the iia??*, 
has tended toward avoidance of pos.sessions disconnected from thj maiu 
continent. 

In 1884 he said to the same minister: 

A conviction that a fixed policy, dating ba^-k to the origin of our constitu- 
tional Government, was considered to make it inexpedient to attemi)t terri- 
torial aggrandizement which would rofpiirc maintenan<-e by a navnl force in 
ex<e.s.s ol any yet provided for our national uses, has led this tiovernmont to 
decline territorial acquisitions. Even as simple coaling stations sucli terri- 
torial acquisitions would involve respousibiutv beyond their utility. The 
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United States lias never deemed it needful to their national life to maintain 
impretrnable fortresses along tbo world's hijj^hways of commerce. 

I wish to state distinctly, on tlie general question of annexation of outlying 
islands or territory— except in the North, and I make an exception there— 
that I trust we have seen the last of annexation, and in this remark I include 
the whole group of the West India Islands and the whole of the Mexican 
territory contiguous to the United States, inliabited as it is by a portion of 
the Latin races, strangely mixed and deg.-ii'Mated bv their mixture with 
native races; a population and a territory tliat naturally enfeebles man— 
a popuhition and a territory that I earnestly hope may never bo made an 
integral part of the people and a territory of the United States. We oc- 
cupy a portion of that great northern zone which girdles the world and 
which has been the theater of the greatest achievements of civilization, 
especially in the history of the Anglo-Saxon races; but should we extend our 
possessions into the tropical (.Ilawaiiau; belt, we would weaken the power of 
our people and Government. 

Althougli the treaty is not now hefore us, fn view of tlie fact 
that we are considering a subject kindred to the treaty made by 
Mr. Sherman for the annexation of Hawaii, I will read what Mr. 
Sherman had to say upon the subject: 

The events of the future are beyond the vision of mankind, but I hope that 
our people will be content with internal growth and avoid the complications 
of foreign acquisitions. Our family of States is already large enough to cre- 
ate embarrassment in the Senate, and a republic should not hold dependent 
provinces or possessions. Everynewacquisition will create embarrassments. 
The Union already embraces discordant elements enough without adding 
others. If my life is prolonged I will do all I can to add to the strength and 
prosperity of the United States, but nothing to extend its limits or to add new 
dangers by acquisition of foreign territory. 

I hope those sentiments were largely held by all prominent 
members of the Republican party. I am sorry to know that the 
great Secretary of State, through the exigencies of politics, felt 
that he was compelled to place himself in sympathy with an Ad- 
ministration which held a contrary view upon so great and im- 
portant a question. 

Mr. Bayard, during Cleveland's first Administration, made the 
following announcement, and I take this from page 580 of Whar- 
ton's Digest of International Law: 

The policy of the United States declared and pursued for more than a 
century discountenances and in practice forbids distant colonial acquisitions. 
Our action in the past touching the acquisition of territory by purchase and 
cession and our recorded disinclination to avail ourselves of voluntarv prof- 
fers made by other powers to place territories under the sovereignty or pro- 
tection of the United States are matters of historical prominence. 

For the purpose of showing the unvarying policy of this coun- 
try up to the Administration of President Harrison, indorsed by 
Democrats and Repulilicans alike, I will read from the first mes- 
sage of Grover Cleveland in 18s,3. Grover Cleveland had then 
just come from the people; he had not been contaminated and cor- 
rupted by association with the busness men who afterwards dis- 
graced the Republic by their influence over its President. He 
tlien spoke the real sentiments, in my opinion, of an honest man. 
He said: 

Maintaining as I do the tenet of a line of precedents from "Washington's day, 
whiih proscribe entangling alliances with foreign states, I do not favor a 
policy of acquisition of new and distant territory or the incorporation of 
roinoto interests with our own. 

It has been said on this floor that ISIr. Cleveland, up to the time 
he appointed Mr. Blount to go to Hawaii, was in favor of the an- 
nexatiun of those islands. This message, sent to Congress in 18S5, 
certainly tends not only to disprove that statement, but to refute 
it altogether, without some positive contrary dsclaration on the 
part of Mr. Cleveland himself. 
lii^:::] 



PAST TEintIT<1I{IAL At'<jriSlTIOXS. 

It is true that in the past we have aciiuireil territory, but it has 
been in pursuance of the policy which 1 have already indicated. 
We have acquired territory, but always within the temperate zone, 
always contiguous to the United States, always adjoining that 
which we already owned, a territory which possessed climate, soil, 
and (if people it had) people capable of governing themselves. 
We purchased by treaty Louisiana and Florida, and we annexed 
Texas by a joint resolution, admitting her as a State into the 
Union after securing the consent of her people and under those 
provisions of oiu- Constitution which aih)w us to admit new 
States. Florida and Louisiana we also admitted by constitutional 
methods, under the power granted by the States to the Federal 
Government — admitted by treaty. 

John Quincy Adams argued in favor of the acquisition of Florida 
on the ground of its being contiguous territory, and by inference 
all through his argument he also argues that he would have been 
opposed to its annexation if it had not joined us. 

Let us inquire as to what teiTitory we have rejected, and see 
how closely we have adhered to the doctrine laid down. In De- 
cember, 1S82, the Government of San Salvador, one of the Cen- 
tral American States, lying well within the Tropics, proposed 
annexation to the United States and we refused to receive it. 

President Polk, in his message of April 20, 1848, after reciting 
an offer from Yucatan "to transfer the dominion and sovereignty 
of the peninsula to the United States," said: 

Whilst it is not my purpose to rocommond the adoption of any measure 
with a view to the acquisition of the dominion and sovereignty over Yuca- 
tan, yet according to our established policy we could not consent to a trans- 
fer of the "■dominion and sovereignty" to any other power. 

Congress took no action on this message. 

It was not even discussed, so far as I can find. If it was, such 
discussion occui-red. in secret session: but the idea of acciuiring 
sovereignty over a tropical country attracted so little attention 
that I can find practically no other record referring to the subject. 
Of more recent date efforts have been made to acquire territory in 
the Tropics, always with the same result. In 1866 a proposition 
•was made to acquire Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo lies east of 
Cuba. having an area of 28,000 square miles. including the Repub- 
lic of Hay ti. It is a tropical country. It lies about 1,000 miles 
from our shore. General Grant, in his second annual message, in 
1870, makes a statement in regard to the acquisition of Santo Do- 
mingo, and I am going to read it, because it is word for word and, 
line for line the argument made for the acquisition of Hawaii. 
The Committee on Foreign Relations must have read this message. 
Every advocate on the .stump and in the Senate urging the acqui- 
sition of Hawaii must have read this message, for they come so 
near copying the language that we certainly can not believe they 
were ignorant of it. 

l)arinK the last session of Congress a treaty for the annexation of the Re- 
public of San Domingo to the United States failed to receive the requisite 
two-thirds vote of the Senate. I wxs thoroughly n.nvincod then tliat the best 
interests of this country, commprcially and materially, dt-manded its ratifi- 
cation. Time has only confirmed me in this ^^ew. I now firmly believe that 
the moment it Is known that the United States have entirely aliamloned the 
)iroject of accci)ti!itc as a part of its territory tlip islami cf San Domingo, a 
free port will ne negotiated for by European nations in tlie Riy of SamauR. 
A largo commercial city will spring up, to which we will l>o tributary with- 
out receiving corresponding benefits, and then will bo seen the folly of our 



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ro.jectiiiK so great a j)rize. The Government of San Domingo has voluntarily 
sought this aiim-xiitiDn. It is a weak i)owor, numbering probably less than 
IriO.iKNl sDuls, and yet jiossessing one of the richest territories under the sun, 
capable of supiiorting a population of 10,0(J(),iH)(iof people in luxury. The peo- 
ple of San Domingo are nf)t capable of maintaining themselves in their pres- 
ent condition, and must look for outside support. They yearn for the pro- 
tection of our free institutions and laws— our progress and civilization. Shall 
we refuse them'/— 

Exactly the same argument, a threat of injury, the promise of 
a prize, together with a proposition to furnish a worthless people 
with a decent government. There is the very argtiment pre- 
sented by the advocates of the annexation of Hawaii; first, the 
danger to our Pacific coast if we do not accept these islands; 
second, a prize in tlie great richness of tropical products; third, 
that we shall furnish these people a share of the Government we 
possess and protection against incursions which they imagine may 
arise from foreign foes — 

The acquisition of San Domingo is desirable because of its geographical 
position. It commands the entrance to the Caribbean Sea and the Isthmus 
transit of commerce. It posse.sses the richest soil, best iind most capacious 
harbors, most salubrious climate, and the most valuable products of the 
fore.st, mine, and soil of any of the West India I.slands. Its possession by us 
will in a few years build up a coastwise commeicc of immen.se magnitude, 
which will go far toward restoring to us our lost merchant marine. 

The same argument exactly. We have been told about the vast 
commercial relations with Hawaii and the number of ships that 
come and go bearing the American flag. 

It will give to us those articles which we consume so largely and do not 
produce, thus equalizing our exports and imports. In ca.se of foreign w.ir it 
will give us command of all the islands referred to, and thus prevent au 
enemy from ever again possessing himself of rendezvous upon our very 
coast. At present our coast trade between thft States bordering on the At- 
lantic and those bordering on the Gulf of Mexico is cut into by the Bahamas 
and the Antilles. Twice we must, as it were, pass through foreign countries 
to get by sea from (Georgia to the west coast of Florida. 

San Domingo, with a staljle government under which her immense re- 
sources can be developed, will give remunerative wages to tens of thousands 
of laborers not now upon the island. 

ANNEXATION AND AMERICAN LABOR. 

The same argument exactly— annex Hawaii and the American 
laborer will go there. "Annex Santo Domingo," Grant said, "and 
American laborers will go there." Then, as now, we were invit- 
ing laborers from other lands to come here, our own country being 
undeveloped, with vast resources tin touched. 

This labor will take advantage of every available means of transportation 
to abandon the ad.jacent islands and seek the blessings of freedom and its 
sequence- each inhabitant receiving the reward of liis own labor. Porto 
Kico and Ouba will have toabolish slaverj-, as a measure of self -preservation, 
to retain their laborers. 

San Domingo will li('<'ome a large consumer of the products of Northern 
farms and iiianiifaitorio.s. The cheap rate at which her citizens can be fur- 
nished with food, tools, and machinery will make it necessary that contigu- 
ous islanils should have the same advantages in order to compete in the pro- 
duction of sugar, coffee, tobacco, tropical fruits, etc. This will open to us a 
still wider market for our products. The production of our own supply of 
these articles will cut oil moi'e than one hundred millions of our annual im- 
ports, besides largely increasing our exports. With such a picture it is easy 
to see liow our laige debt abroad is ultimately to bo extinguished. With a 
balance of ti-ade against us (including interest on bonds held by foreigners 
and money spent by our citizens traveling in foreign lands) equal to the en- 
tire yield of tlie precir>us metals in this country, it is not so easy to see bow 
this resiilt is to bo otherwise accomiilished. 

Theac(|uisition of San Domingo is an adherence to the "Monroe doctrine:" 
it is a measure of national protection; it is asserting our just claim to a con- 
trolling influence over the great commercial traffic soon to flow from west to 
35:M 



11 

east by way of tho Isthinns of Darion; it is to hiiild up our merchant marine; 
it is to furuLsU uew markets for thu products of our farms, shops, and mauu- 
factoriea. 

* * « « # « * 

In view of tho importance of this question, I earnestly urfre upon Connress 
early action expressive of its views as to tho best means of aciiuiriiij; San Do- 
mingo. Mv sutrirestion is that, by joint resolution of the two Houses of Con- 
gross, tho txecutivo be authorized to a]>poiiit a conmiissioii to ncgotiab' a 
treaty witlithe aiithurities ol San l)oniin>,'o fur tlie anjuisition of that i--lanii, 
and tliat au appropriation be made to defray tho expenses of such commis- 
sion. 

Sucli a joint resolution was introduced; it passed the Senate, 
went to the House, and tliey refused to concur in it. With this 
fclowin.i; picture, with the great power G-rant possessed — however, 
1 understand there is no record that ( irant exerted tliat jiower in 
an unconstitutional manner — but witli tlio great power Grant 
jjo.ssessed, lie was unable to secure from Congress one step in the 
direction of the acipiisition of Santo Domingo. So firmly in the 
minds of our i^eoi)le at that time was the determination that our 
area was large enough, and that only people coukl be admitted to 
the privileges of citizenship within this Republic who were capable 
of self-government, that even the great power and influence of 
Grant were unable to overturn the practice, precedent, policy, and 
jirinciple upon which this Government was founded and which 
up to that time had maintained itself. 

There is no record, however, that Grant used unfairly, unjustly, 
unconstitutionally, the power of his position. I believe that Grant 
was too patriotic to have done such a thing. But rumors come 
to our ears that in this contest Senators and iMembers are called 
to the White House and told that this is the Administration i5ol- 
icy and that they must support it, and intimations of favors, not 
direct, for that is unnecessarj', are used to force the Senate of the 
United States to break down the century-old policy of this coun- 
try and compel the acquisition of territory within the Tropics and 
beyond our O'mi borders. 

Mr. Blaiue says in his book, speaking of Santo Domingo: 

The territory included in tho Dominican Republic is tho eastern portion 
of the island of San Doinin^^o, originally known as Ilispauiola. It embraces 
perhaps two-thirds of tho whole. Tho western jiart forms the Republic of 
Haiti. With tho exception of Cuba, tho island is the largest of tho West 
India group. Tho total area is about ;^'S.(i'H) sciuare miles — equivalent to Mas- 
s.achusett3. New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island combined. Presi- 
dent Grant placed extravagant estimates upon tho value of tho territory 
which ho supposed w;is now ac(iuired under tho Babcock treaties. In his 
mcss.ago o Congi-ess he expre.s.sed tho belief that tho island would yield to 
tho United .States all the sugar, colfeo. tobarco. and other tropi<-al products 
which the country would consume. " The production of cuir suiiply of these 
articles," said theProsident. " will cut olT m<jro than ^100,000,000 of our annual 
imports, besides largely increasing our cxjiorts." 

Mr. President, that is true. If we should acquire a tropical 
country where they produce sugar and coli'ee enough for our needs, 
we would no longer levy a tarilf upon those jn-oducts, but they 
would be admitted free of duty. It would decrease tho balance 
of trade against us and make it larger in our favor. But what ad- 
vantage would the people of the United States derive from that if 
the popiilation which produced those jiroducts were incapable of 
self-government, incapable of helping us maintain this Republic, 
if they were an inferior race? 

Ar.Sf) TIIK UANIsn WKST INDIES. 

The next effort at acquisition was the Danish West Indies, and 
that is pending. Tho proposition is before us to-day. A resolu- 
tion is now, I believe, upon the Calendar of the .Sonato to acquire 



12 

the Daiiisli West Indies. The simile ac(iuisition of Hawtaii is not 
all that is in this contest. It is tho adoption of a policy of con- 
«iuest and acquisition that must destro}- the very fundamental 
principles tipon which this Government is founded. 

Years a^o tho proposition was presented to acquire the Danish 
West Indies. Thoy are three little islands east of Puerto Rico in 
the Tropics, in the West Indies. They are inhabited not by white 
men, for there are none, and never have been. The Danes tried 
to live there two centuries ago. The climate was so unhealthy 
that they found it impossible to do so. The population there is 
composed of negroes. They produce sugar. If we admit the Dan- 
ish West Indies, we remit the duty we now collect upon sugar 
from that countr}', which will amount to §(300,000 a year. It is 
simply another sugar job. It is another chance to acquire enor- 
mous wealth by taxing the i)eople of the United States. That, 
added to the remission of duties to Hawaii, would amount to 
nearly .$10,000,000 a year. Mr. Wharton says: 

There is no printed executive summary of the negotiations for the Dan- 
ish West Indies. 

So far as can be learned from tho archives of this Department, negotia- 
tions were commenced by Mr. Howard. Sorretary of State, on .July 17, 1866, 
by a note to the Dani.sh minister, (ienoral Kaaslotf, offerinfc S-'>,(MI,U(K) gold for 
the three islands to be; delivered, witli all fixed jniblic ]n'operty therein, with- 
outconditionsoi' incumbrances. ( Jeiieral RausioH' having shortly afterwards 
returned to Denmark to accept the ministry of war. the negotiations were 
transferred to Copenhagen, where they were'ecinducted by Mr. Yeaman, our 
minister there, on our part, and for the Danish (iMvecnment by fount Frijs, 
minister of foreign affairs, and (ieneral Kaashitf. No counter ]iro])osal was 
made until May 17, ]Htl7, by the Danish (iov.'rnment. Then Count Frijs told 
Mr. Yeaman that Denmark exj)ected S15,()iKi,0(iU gold for the three islan<ls, and 
tliat it would not cede them without the consent of tho inhabitants: but that 
as his Uovernment could uotdispo.se of Santa Cruz without the consent of 
France, he was willing to cede St. Thomas and St. John for 5T0,0OO,C0y gold, 
and to treat separately as to Santa Cruz. 

On May :J7, 18tj7, Mr. Seward sent Mr. Yeaman tho draft of a convention 
such as ho desired. In it ho offered i:7,rjO(i,(W)i) for the three islands on the con- 
ditions above .stated. And in addition he instructed Mr. Yeaman that in no 
case w.as a stipulation for tlie consent of tlu' iidial>itauts to be inserted in the 
convention; tliat permis.sion would Ix? granted them to leave tho island atany 
time within two years after the United States took possession of it, if they 
preferred their original allegiance io that of the United States; and that tho 
convention mu.st be ratified on or before August 4. 1807. 

These terms not proving accejitable to Denmark, the negotiations were pro- 
limged until finally Mr. Seward gave up the attemT)t to fix the date of ratifi- 
cation, concurred in a sti]iulation in tho convention for the consent of tho 
inhabitants, and oflereil j;7,r)iKM)()0 for St. Thomas and St. John. 

On this biisis a treaty was concluded on October ;io, 1S()7. This was promptly 
ratified by Denmark, but the United States Senate delayed action on it, and 
finally rejected it in the session of 1808, as appears by the records of the De- 
partment of Slate. 

* * * ♦ * * * 

Denmark had no particular desire to sell to the United States, but was 
persuaded to do so. The inhabitants of the islands had already voted to 
accept tlie United States as their sovereign. Tho late Mr. Charles Sumner, 
then chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, who 
was engaged in a personal quarrel with tho Administration, simi)lv refu.'ad 
to renort b.ack tho treaty to the Senate, and ho was suiijiorted by a sufliciont 
number of his c.onnnittoe and of Senators to enabli> the matter to be left in 
this position. It required now negotiations to prolong the terra of ratifica- 
tion, and it was with groat difficulty that in a subsequent session Ihe treaty 
was finally brought before the Senate and rejected. As may be imagined, 
our friendly relations with Denmark were considerably impaired by this 
method of doing business. 

So we have refused on all occasions to acquire territory in the 

Tropics, where the population is not capable of self-government. 

I At this point, without having concluded his speech, Mr. Pktti- 

OUKW yielded for a motion to proceed to the consideration of 

executive business.] 

• * ♦ » • * * 

3533 



13 

Th ursdinj, June ;?J, ISDS. 
'Mr. PETTIGREW. Mr. President, I undertook to show yes- 
terday that it was contrary to our theory of government, contrary 
to our customs and precedents as a people, to acquire territory 
not conti,L;nous to our own, and inhabited by an inferior race of 
people. Those wlio favor a different policy now and who favor 
a departure from those customs and practices that have created 
the proudest pages of our history say it is manifest destinj-. 
Throughout all recorded time manifest destiny has been the mur- 
derer of men. It has committed more crimes, done more to op- 
])rcss and wrong the inhabitants of the world than any other at- 
tiibute to whicii mankind has fallen heir. 

THE ACMir.VKMKNTS (IF MAMl'KST DESTINY. 

Manifest destiny has caused the strong to rob the weak and has 
reduced the weak to slavery. Manifest destiny built the feudal 
castle and supplied the castle with its serfs. Manifest destiny 
impelled republics that have heretofore existed and perished to go 
forth and conquer weaker races and to subject their people to 
slavery, to impose taxation against their Avill, and to inflict gov- 
ernments odious to them. Manifest destiny is simply the cry of 
the strong in justification of their plunder of the weak. This cry 
sent forth the nations of Europe to divide among them the weaker 
nations of Asia and of Africa. This cry has allowed Great Britain 
t) gather the harvests on the banks of the Nile, to lay burdens 
upon the people of Egypt unusual, intolerable, worse than that of 
individual slavery. 

It is this cry of manifest destiny which causes the guns of Great 
Britain to echo daily around the world and excuses the massacre 
and assassination of the weaker people of the earth. Her opera- 
tions in Africa she justifies by this specious plea. During the last 
seven years she has killed twenty or thirty thousand of the people 
of Africa, bombarded towns filled with women and children, and 
herself has lost in this unecjual contest but seven men— all this in 
the name of manifest destiny. So colonies have been planted by 
the nations of Europe. They have gone forth to conquer the 
weaker nations of the world. But the result upon themselves has 
not been such as to induce us to emulate their example. 

Great Britain to-day, with all her mighty power and her vast 
possessions, has not conferred upon the people of England the 
comfort and satisfaction and happine.-s which should come with 
a proper and honest national policy. One- tenth of her people are 
paupers. Two out of three of her laborers who reach the age of 
()0 years either are or have been paupers. Two hundred and 
twentv-two thousand of her people own all the property. More 
than two-thirds of the people of Great Britain have no property 
at all. This is a result of her course in working out to its legiti- 
mate conclusion the theorj' of manifest destiny. 

If wo pursue it, if we annex the weaker nations of the world 
and undertake to govern them, such will be the result with us. If 
we annex nations to whicli we can not apply our system of gov- 
ernment, if we acquire territory in the Tropics where men can not 
live who are capable of self-goveniment, then republican forms 
can not exist in those distant possessions. Tlio vigorous blooil, 
the best blood, the young men of our land, will be drawn away to 
mix with inferior races .ind to hold them in subjection. Gradu- 
ally the reflex action of the contjucst and government of these in- 
ferior races by tyranny, by a new form of government unknown 
3i23 



14 

to ns. will work its effect npon oiir own people, and free institutions 
will disappear from this land as well as from the land we conquer 
and undertake to hold in subjection. Why should we change our 
policy as a people? Why should we go back upon our history 
and our past? What argument can be presented in behalf of an 
abandonment of the principles and policies that liave made us a 
great nation? 

THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Is there an exception in the case of these islands in the Pacific? 
I will not go into their history, but I will allude briefly to their 
locality, to their population, and their climate. The Hawaiian 
Islands are fifteen in number. Five of them are inhabited. They 
lie between longitude 154 and 1(50' west, and between latitude 18' 
and 22 north. The island of Neehau contains 97 square miles and 
a population of fourteen families. It has an area of 02,000 acres. 
It is the first of the group to the westward that has any popula- 
tion. It is owned by a citizen of Great Britain, a New Zealander, 
who bought it from the King many years ago and uses it for 
grazing purposes. Upon it are raised from thirty to forty thou- 
sand sheep, and their wool is admitted to the United States free 
of duty, although we impose a high duty upon wool from every 
other country in the world. Certainly no American interest is 
promoted by our method of dealing with the island of Neehau. 

Kauai, the next island, has 590 square miles, and contains 377,000 
acres of land, and a population of 15,392. It is owned almost ex- 
clusively by German planters, who are raising sugar by the em- 
ployment of Asiatic labor, and their products are imported to the 
United States free of duty. There is no American plantation 
upon this island. Some of the stock in the German companies is 
owned by the so-called American citizens of Hawaii, but no 
American citizen owns any property on this island whatever. 
Yet the people of the United States are taxed to sustain the re- 
mission of duties to the extent of millions of dollars, and the only 
purpose served through this favoritism is that their products 
come in free and they profit enormously on the one side through 
an abatement of duty on our part and through the medium of 
contract or slave labor on the part of the planters, 

Oahu is an island of 600 square miles, containing 384,000 acres, 
and it has a population of 40,205 people. On this island is situated 
the city of Honolulu, containing about 30,000 people. The island 
also contains many sugar plantations, owned almost entirely by 
natives of the Hawaiian Islands, men whose fathers or grand- 
fathers were citizens of the United States, who were born on the 
island, whose ancestors went there to confer upon those people 
the blessings of civilization, and whose sons have beaten them 
out of their property and out of their Government. 

Molokai is an island of 270 sciuare miles, containing 172,800 
acres, with a population of 2,307, 1,200 of whom are lepers. This 
island is a leper colony. On one side it is fertile. There are one 
or two sugar plantations, but the island is given up almost en- 
tirely to the custody and care of lepers. They are isolated, and 
have been placed upon this island because the disease is con- 
tagious. 

I notice, as one of the assets paraded by the advocates of annexa- 
tion, the cost of this leper plant. It is given as one reason why we 
should annex the island that this is a part of the property we 
will acquire if the Government takes Hawaii. It is a wonderful, 

55.'J3 



15 

a most (lesirablo, asset! There are 1,000 lepers, and as an indnce- 
nieut lor iis to ac<:ept the island these enterpiisinp: sons of mis- 
sionaries throw in among the assets the value of this leper colony 
plant. 

Maui is an island of 760 square miles, containing 467,000 acres, 
with a po]mlation of 17.72(5, engaged in the production of sugar.- 
This island is exceedingl}- fertile, and there are vast areas yet un- 
cultivated and capable of producing sugar, and upon it there is 
considerable in the way of American interests. Upon this island 
are the plantations of Spreckels and his boy, and the stock in 
tho.'se conii)anits is quite largely held in this country. 

Laiiai is an island of loO square miles, containing 9C.0O0 acres 
and has a population of lOo people. There is no American inter- 
est there. It is a grazing island. 

Hawaii, which is the jirincipal island of the group, has an area 
of 4. ','10 square miles, or 2. Oil), 000 acres. Its population is ;j;j.'J.s.j. 
This island, like all the others, is a product of volcanic action. 
They were thrown up from the bed of the Pacific. The island of 
Hawaii is 14,000 feet in height, and has upon it one of the greatest 
volcanoes in the world. The crater upon the sujnmit, which is 
13,(500 feet above the sea, and Kilauea, the crater upon its side, 
being 4,000 feet above the sea, are always active. This island is 
exceedingly rich. There are vast areas of tropical vegetation 
capable of producing great quantities of the products of tropical 
lands. 

The total area of all these islands is 6,677 square miles, or 
4.20S,000 acres. The Hawaiian Islands are within the Tropics. 
They are capable of producing only the products of the Tropics. 
They are susceptible of great development beyond that which has 
already occurred. They are capable of maintaining, in my opin- 
ion, three or four times the population that they now possess. 

It was argued by the friends of annexation when the debate 
opened upon the treaty presented for the annexation of these 
islands that they were enormously rich; that they would produce 
a valuable trade, and would therefore confer a great benefit upon 
the people of the United States. I am willing to accept that state- 
ment. 

Now it is argued that we only need a coaling station and that' 
the islands are barren, volcanic rocks, not caiiable of population, 
and therefore that question is unimportant, hardly worthy of cou- 
eideration. We will, however, go into that subject farther along. 

If these islands contained a population as dense as that of Iowa 
to-day. they would be occupied by 240. (mjO people: if a population 
as dense as that of Illinois, they would have 400,000 people. 

TROPICAL rOrUr.ATION UNDESIRABLE. 

But, Mr. President, tropical countries produce and maintain 
populations much more dense than countries in the temperate 
z<ine. because it takes less to clothe and feod and care for their 
people, because their demands and wants are less, and Ijecause of 
the wonderful food-producing power of the soil of the Tropics. 

The island of Java has an area no larger than the State of Iowa, 
and it contains 24,000,000 people. It is within the Tropics. It is 
reasonable to suppose that the Hawaiian Islands will maintain a 
population in proportion to their area equal to those of other trop- 
ical countries. 

Bat what kind of a population, Mr. President? The more of 
them the worse. What kmd of a population is it, then, that we 
ai3 



16 

propose to admit into this country? But our friends who are fa- 
vorin.i^ annexation s:iy American laborers will go over to Hawaii 
to till the soil and gain easy subsistence. There is not a colony 
of European or Anglo-Saxon laborers within 22 of the e;iiiator 
anywhere on the globe. No English, no French, no Germans, no 
Scandinavians, no Russians, none of the people whose blood flows 
in the veins of our people have colonized any portion of the globe 
within '22 of the e luator. American ('nter])rise and Anglo-Saxon 
thrift seek the region in the northern hemisi)here or the southern 
hemisphere, if you will, between the thirtieth and fifty-fifth de- 
grees of north or south latitude. They will not go elsewhere. 

Is it claimed that these peojjle ai-e not colonists; that they have 
not gone forth to conquer the world and settle new countries? On 
the contrary, they have planted their colonies around the world, 
though never within this tropical belt, for the reason that they do 
not flourish there. 

Jamaica has been an English colony for two hundred years. 
Jamaica has 4,200 square miles, two-thirds as much as the islands 
of Hawaii. It lies within the Tropics. It has a population of 
G;33.000 people.. How many Englishmen; how many Europeans? 
Including the garrison, including the officers, including the at- 
taches of the Government. 14,000, and that is all. The rest are 
blacks. This island lies within the Tropics. It has an elevation 
of 7,000 feet. It is one of the most healthful of all the tropical 
islands. 

THE CAT'CASIAN HEQUIRES FROST. 

That which may be said of it may be al.so said of Hawaii. And 
yet the European will not locate there. He goes to New Zealand, 
to southern Australia, to Canada. He abides where the frost 
chills mans blood and where clothing made of the wool of the 
sheep helps to Iccop him warm. I think you can lay it down as a 
proposition which can not be refuted that self-government and 
independence and high civilization are only embraced by people 
who find it necessary to wear warm clothes and who feel the 
tingle of the frost in their veins during a portion of a year. 

The Leeward Islands have 701 square miles. They have 123,000 
people, 5,000 of whom are Europeans. It is another English 
colony. 

British Guiana, on the north coast of South America, has 109,000 
square miles and a population of 280,000 people— negroes, contract 
laborers, coolies from India raising sugar, with 2,583 Europeans, 
including the garrison. 

Haiti has a population of 600,000 people. It has 10,204 square 
miles. The language is French, Nine-tenths of the population 
are negroes, and the rest are mulattoes. You can say a thousand 
things about Haiti, about its healthful climate, about its wonder- 
ful productiveness, about its desirability. White men will not 
live there because of the climate. 

New Guinea, a British colony, lies between 8" and 10' of the 
equator, has Ss,000 square miles and a population of 350,000 peo- 
ple. 2.")0 of whom are Europeans. 

New Zealand has an area of 104,000 square miles. It is near 
New (Guinea. It is between the thirtieth and thirty-fifth degree of 
.south latitude, and therefore outside of the Tropics. I give this 
illustration for the purpose of showing that it is a question of 
climate whether the white race will occupy a locality or not. Its 
population is 628,000 Europeans, 41,000 natives, and 4,400 China- 



17 

men. It is near New Guinea. It is in the Temperate Zone. So 
the Anj;lo-Sa.\t)n wont there and settled, and he has hnilt up a 
government freer, in my opinion, and better tlian ours, beeauso 
iintrammeled by interl'erence. nntrammeh'd by older influences. 
This colony was planted later than ours, and, unhindered by greed, 
by a combination of circumstances which have oppressed ns and 
the English people, the people of New Zealand have worked out 
what Anglo-Saxon men iintrammeled will always work out— a 
free government pavticipati'd in by all the people. In my opinion 
they have better laws. In fact, they furnish about the only 
example of a tirst-class English government on tlie globe to-day. 

The Straits Settlements are within the Trojiics. There is there 
a population of .jI^.OUO natives. Singapore, the commercial city, 
is a great city, one of the emporiums of the East, right under the 
equator. It is on the route from the Suez Canal to Ciiina and 
Japan. It contains .ll'J.OOO natives. G..")UO Europeans and Amer- 
icans. The Europeans are the English garrison and tlio English 
officeholders. The few Americans who are there are engaged in 
trade and business with the East, and they go away in the sum- 
mer. They go up to Japan: they go to the health resorts of that 
delightful country to escape the evil eifects of a trojncal climate. 

It was supposed that the French people would occupy the Trop- 
ics, but they do not. The Latin race, more or less, has occupied 
the Tropics, but the frost of winter has touched the veins of the 
Frenchman. It has overcome the tendency of his Latin blood to 
live within the Tropics, and although they have coiKiuered Ton- 
quin, with 9,000,000 of people, and Cochin China, with ;J, (100,000 
more, there are only o.OUO Frenchmen in the whole country, in- 
cluding the officers and the garrison. The rest of the troops are 
natives. 

Martini'iueis an island on the north coast of South America, of 
which we have heard much of late. Martinique has 187,000 peo- 
ple, and only l,::i(i7 Frenchmen and Europeans of all classes. The 
balance of tlie population are blacks. 

French Congo has a population of 7,000,003, and only 300 Euvo- 
peans, besides the garrison. 

So it goes the world over. Look where you will, tropical coun- 
tries are not inhabited by the people of our race. 

NO AMKUICAX I.ABOHUUS IN HAWAII. 

There are no American laborers in Hawaii, and there never 
will be. Annex the islands if yoii will. A number of American 
laborers who were taken there years ago to work upon sugar plan- 
tations have abandoned the business, and to day not one is em- 
ployed in any of their tropical industries. Between 1S!).5 and 1S|J7 
even the eightj'-seven Americans who were put down in the cen- 
sus of Hawaii as being engaged in the sugar industry as em- 
ployees have disappeared entirelj-. They turn them oil". They 
were foremen, they were bookkeepers, l)ut the Jap came in. 
skilled as he is in every art and in every Ijusiness. He wouhl 
work for >jil2 a month, and the American who was being paid s,")0 
and $7r) was dismissed. So even in Hawaii, since IHO"), every Amer- 
ican employed as a laborer on these plantations has been dis- 
missed and his place filled by an Asiatic. 

It is argued by the friends of annexation that the.se islands, 

although in the Tropics, have a veiy salul)rious climate and that 

Americans flourish and grow and reproducf their kind and are 

wonderfully happy. Witiiout investigation they give the climate 

.'l5»-:i 



18 

of these islands an average temperature and say that the trade 
winds have modified it so that it is an exception to the rule of 
countries within the Tropics. This subject will bear investiga- 
tion on the part of those who oppose annexation, and I propose to 
show the tcmperatiires of various tropical countries in comparison 
with Hawaii to see whether the claim is well founded. I quote 
from the Hawaiian Annual, by Thrum, a book issued in the inter- 
ests of annexation, containing many falsehoods in furtherance 
of the designs of the gang of sugar planters who own that country. 
Therefore statements upon subjects which are against them can 
at least be supposed not to contain untruths which are to their 
disadvantage, it is the only possible indorsement the book is 
entitled to from anybody, and, with this apology, I quote from it: 

For seven years the average temperature of Honolulu, which is 
one of the most northern points in these islands, was 74' 82 (for 
the whole seven years, taking them alltogether) and the thermom- 
eter ranged from 5-4 to 88 . I have not the observations from 
the other portions. The main portion of these islands is embraced 
in the Island of Hawaii, which is very much nearer the equator 
and, along the coast, undoubtedly very much hotter. 

Honolulu being on the southwest sitle of a range of mountains, 
the trade winds blowing from the northeast lose their moisture 
against the face of these mountains. Consequently the climate of 
that locality is dry for the Tropics, but its temperature ranges 
about the same as that of tropical countries generally. The range 
is from ~A to 88 and the average is 7-4' 32 . 

We will take Havana, Cuba. For ten years the mean tempera- 
ture was 7().8 ; the range was from 49' to 100\ It gets slightly 
colder and slightly hotter in Havana. That is no indication of un- 
healthiness, but the contrary, for in Dakota it ranges between 40' 
below and 110 above. It is the even temperature, the continuing 
temperature at the same range that makes these countries un- 
healthy and xmfit for the habitation of the white race. At San 
Fernando. Cuba, the average is 75'; the highest range was 87% and 
the lowest 51 . In Hawaii the highest range was 88', the lowest 
54 , average 74.32 ; while at San Fernando. Cuba, the range was 
from 51 to 87 , and the average was 75 '. The range in Kingston, 
Jamaica, was, lowest GG, highest 89 ; there being only r of differ- 
ence between that and Hawaii, and the average was 78'. 

San Juan. Puerto Rico, another tropical country, and almost 
the same distance from the equator as the Hawaiian Islands, the 
average was 78.9 . 

HAWAIIAN CLIMATE NOT PECULIAR. 

The climate, then, of Hawaii is not different from the climate of 
every tropical country. The climate of tropical countries is pretty 
even throughout the year. The thermometer ranges but little. 
There is scarcely a tropical country on the globe where the ther- 
mometer ranges above 88', but the continuous heat, the perpetual 
heat, the average heat from one year's end to the other, of 73' or 
75' or 7G, which is about the average of every tropical country on 
the globe, is what tells upon the people who are born in the noi-th. 
Therefore our aggressive, energetic, active, dominating race will 
never inhabit those islands. If they would, why have they not 
gone there? 

In 1875 we made a treaty with these people by which we stimu- 
lated an industry in such a manner and to such an extent as no 



lit 

other industry was over stimulated in the worhl. We admitted 
their suf?ar free of dutv. We remitted in duties more than it cost 
to produce the su.t,'ar. " It is chiimed that we did it in tlie intirest 
of the missionavit's who had pone there to convert the pcojjle to 
Cliristianitv and. havini^c abandoned their job, liad proceeded to 
steal their hind and steal their (iovernment. Did more Americans 
go? The climate had no attractions for them. The population of 
Americans in the islands has not increased materially under this 
wonderful stimulus. Let us see what is tlie nationality of the 
inhabitants of the islands. Is it desirable; does manifest destiny 
compel us to take in such people? 

In Hawaii in ISSIO there were ;5-l,4:?6 natives; in 1S9G there were 
ol.om. Of part Hawaiians in l^iiO there were 6,18G; in is'jo there 
were 8.48."). Of Americans in 1890 there were 1,928; in 18% there 
were 3,08G. 

Now. let me explain these figures. That shows a great increase. 
The fellows who are running that Government are the shrewd- 
est lot I ever knew. Their fathers had no communion with the 
devil, and their sons have to have enough of that sort of fellow- 
ship to make up for the whole family. They have taken in the 
census of 1800 onlv those Americans who they claimed were 
American born, and have left out the S-20 of American blood who 
were Hawaiian l)orn and Hawaiian citizens. 

Then they made an extra class in 1n9 ). and they said Hawaiian- 
born foreigners, but in 1S9!J they took all the Hawaiian-born Amer- 
icans and put them into the class of Americans. So it was with the 
British, the Germans, French, and Norwegian^. The scheme was 
to make it appear that there had been a wonderful increase in the 
population of Europeans from 1890 to 1890, when in reality there 
has been no increase in the population of Americans in those 
islands, except what was furnished by the fellows they took there 
from San Francisco to arm in order that they might maintain 
their tvrannv after they overthrew the Government in 189:3. 

They say "in 1S90 there were 1.344 British; in 189(>. 2,-2.")0: of 
Germans in 18'.;0 there were 1,034; in 189 J, 1,432: of French in 
1890 there were 70; in 1890, 101; of Norwegians in 1890 there were 
227; in 1890, 378. 

So, much less than 3 per cent of the population is of American 
descent. About 4 i)er cent of the population is British, German, 
French, and Norwegian. 

Of Portuguese in 1890 there were8,G02; in 189G, 15,191. But that 
apparent increase of Portuguese is fictitious. 

The real facts of the matter are that in 1890 the Portuguese- 
born in the islands under the head of Hawaiian they classed at 
7,49.""), while in 189G they classed all the Portuguese-born in the 
island the same as they did the Americans, under the head of 
Portuguese, making an apparent large increase, although there 
was no immigration of Portuguese to the islands during that time 
any more than there was of Americans. There were of Japanese 
in 1X90, 12,300; in 1^90, 24,4ii7; there were of Chinese, in 1890, 
15.301; in 189G, 21, GIG; of Polynesians there were 58^^ in 1890 and 
4.55 in'l89G; of other nationalities there were 419 in 1890 and (500 
in 1896; of Hawaiian-born foreigners, none in 1890 and 7.495 in 
1890. 

IXCltKASi: IN ASIATIC rol'CI.ATIOV. 

It will be noticed that there is an enormous increase of the 
Asiatic population. If you look at their commerce, you will find 



20 



that there has been an enormoiis increase of commerce between 
these islands and Asia and a decrease of commerce between these 
ishuids and the United States since 1890. Wliy? Because the 
poimlation is As^iatic and they want nothini? that we prodiice. 
They live upon rice and they wear different clothes from what we 
wear. There is nothing that the United States produces that the 
laborers of those islands want. They are the dominant popula- 
tion, and therefore the dream of enormous commerce fritters 
away. But what kind of people are they? The same kind of peo- 
ple you would expect in the Troi)ics. What is the difference be- 
tween the number of males and females? That is iuteresting. Is 
a population where there is a disparity between the sexes desir- 
able? Here are the figures: 

Table of sex, by nalionctlitij. 
[From latest census returns, 1890.] 



j Hawaiian-l)orn of for- 
eign parents. 



Nationality. 



Male^-'mSes. Tot^^- 



Whole population. 



M^l^«;m^ts.|Total. 



Hawaiian 

Part Hawaiian. 

American 

British 

German 

French 

Norwegian 



401 
353 

•£,2 
10 
71 



419 

360 

268 

16 

91 



820 
712 

5;J0 

26 
163 



16,399 

4,249 

1,975 

1,406 

866 

56 

216 



14,620 

4,236 

1,111 

844 

563 

45 

162 



31,019 

8.485 
o.(l8G 
2,25.') 
1,4:33 
101 
378 



Here you notice a wonderful disparity between the males and 
females, Americans, British, Norwegians, French, and Germans; 
and if you look over the population of every tropical country 
in the world, you will find the same disparity: you will find a pre- 
ponderance of males among the whites. In other words, our race 
does not live in that climate; it can not. I have investigated a 
large number of tropical countries, and find as to the character 
and sexes of the population of Europeans, as a rule, there are 
from one-fourth to two-thirds more males than females. It seems 
to me that that is comment enough. But let us see what is 
■worse. 





Hawaiian-horn of for- 
eign parents. 


Whole population. 


Nationality. 


Males. 


Fe- 
males. 


Total. 


Males, ^^e^-3. Total. 




3,C06 

1,054 

1,204 

21 

87 


3.a-.3 

1:024 
1,030 

89 


6,959 

2.078 

46 
176 


8.203 

19,213 

19, 167 

321 

418 


6,989 

5, 195 

2,449 

i:« 

152 


15.191 


.lapiineso 

Cliiiii'so 

So\ith Sea Islanders 


24,407 

21,616 

4.">5 

600 








Total 


7,058 


6,675 


13,r33 


72,517 ! 36,503 


109,020 











This shows a preponderance of two to one; twice as many males 
as females. That is the kind of a population you propose to ad- 
mit in this Union on an equal footing with the rest of us. 1 will 



21 



inint with my lenuivks the next table, which shows the difference 
in population iuul its nationalities since IS,");}. The disparity, so 
far as tlie Europeans are concerned, is the same. 
The table referred to is as follows: 



Nationality. 


If53. 


1866.* 


1873. 
40. (U4 


1878. 


1884. 


1890. 


1890. 


Xativps 


70.036 


57. 125 


+4.088 


40.014 


.34.4:b! 


31.019 


I'lirt Hiiwaiians 


9K5 


1.610 


1.1.S7 


3.420 


4,21S 


<i, IKIi 


K.4,S5 


I'liinese 


34;4 


1,206 


l.'.as 


5,9Hi 


17.9.37 


15.:«)l 


13.7:« 


Aiuoriciiiis 


uta ' 




889 


1,276 


2,066 


1,928 


2,266 


1 luwaiian - born for- 


1 














I'l^nors 


309 




849 


947 


2.040 


7.495 


1.5:w 


I'ritish 


4;{5 




(ilO 


88;j 


1.282 


].:m 


912 


I'ortuKuese 


m 




395 


436 


9.377 


«.G«I2 


i:t 


(ionnans 


81 


2,0S« 


2*24 


''72 


l,t)(K> 


l.4:u 


8.2:J3 


I*'rench 


uo 




88 


81 


192 


70 


216 


.laiumese 

Norwegian 

other foreigners 










116 


12.3i;0 


19.;{83 


H 








;J62 




22,329 


80 




; 364 


666 


416 


419 


409 


Polynesian 


4 1 








956 


588 


434 




1 






Total 


73,138 


62,959 


56,897 


57,985 


80,578 


89,990 


109,030 



* There was no complete; division of nationalities noted in the census of 1S66. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. In 1897 the estimated population of the 
Hawaiian Islands had increased from 109,020 to 115,97s, as will 
be seen from the following table: 

Estimated population of Ilarraiian Inlands July 1, 1S07. 





Na- 
tives. 


Chi- 
nese. 


Japa- 
nese. 


Portu- 
guese. 


All 
other ' 

for- Total 
eign- 

ors. 


Population as per census, Sep- 
temljer. l.S9() 


39,504 


31,616 

1,377 

2,908 


24,407 

1.673 
396 


15,191 


8,303 109,030 


Excess of pa.sseiit?er arrivals 
over departures: 

Fourth quarter. 1896 

Six months, to July 1, 1897. 


3.39 3.389 
207 3,569 


Total 


39,504 


25,901 


26,476 


15,349 


8,848 115, 9;8 







* Less 3, excess of departures in 189). 

Over 0,000 people were added to the population of those islands iu 
1897. Did they come from the United States, hoping to be annexed? 
Not at all, Mr. President. They came from Japan; they came as 
Klave laborers, contract laborers. The percentage of Americans 
downtherois lessnowthan it was last year: andwhiletheir nnmlier 
has not increa.sed at all, the Asiatics have increased li,()00. I went 
to these islands last summer, and on the boat on which I traveled 
there were ."jDU Japanese, b'O of whom were women and I'iO men; 
and they were contract laborers. 

Now, let us see who toils upon the )ilantatioiis. Here is tlio 
iKitionality of males by the census of LSOO and the number of labor- 
ers on the sugar estates iu IW'J.j and IH'Jd. I append a table givmjf 
the figures. 
3a2:j 



22 



Nationality of males, by census of ISOC, and number of laborers on sugar estates 

in IS'j'i. 



Nationality. 


Males, by 
census. 


Males on 


estates. 


1895. 


1896. 




20.r48 

i,!»r5 

l,4l« 

8C(i 

8,20:.> 

19, Hi7 
321 
720 


].:-84 

84 

].-)2 

14(1 

2,499 

11,584 

3,847 

1*5 

97 


1,-584 




None. 


British 


None. 




None. 




2.2153 


JaiKiiK'se 


12,893 




6,289 




115 




COO 






Total 


72,517 


20,120 


23, 749 







CHEAP JAPANESE I.ABOU. 

Wliy is it that there were employed 8i Americans on sngar es- 
tates in 189.1, and Vhat none were so employed in 189G? Why is it 
they were dischart^cd? Because the Japs do the work for $12.50 a 
month, and the Anaericans get from is.lO to s?.") a month. Ho the 
American was not wanted. The men who talk so much of their 
love of country and the prospect of American laborers being im- 
])orted to Hawaii di.':;charged their American employees and tilled 
their places with Asiatics. 

I will show further that it appears that they discharged the Ger- 
man and British laborers, as well as the American laborers, and for 
the same reason; and yet they tell us an American community is 
going to grow up on tho.se islands and American labor is going 
there to find employment! 

It appears from the table that in 189.5 there were 2.499 Portu- 
gurse employed upon the sngar plantations, and in 189G, one year 
after, 2,2(58 were employed upon the sugar plantations. Yv"hy? 
They were discharged and their places were filled by Asiatic la- 
borers, coming in under contract; and before I get through I will 
show what that contract is. 

Of the Japanese there were 19,212 males in all the islands. In 
1896, 11,584 were employed upon the sugar plantations, and in 
1896, 12,893. That shows who took the places of the Europeans 
who had been previously employed. Of the Chinese there were 
19,167 males upon the islands; and in 1895 there were emploj-ed of 
this number upon the sugar plantations 3,847; and the next year 
there were 6,289 Chinamen employed upon the sugar estates; and 
j'ct we arc told about American people and American interests 
and American labor; and that is one of the arguments set forth 
by those advocating the acquisition of this "jiaradise of the Pa- 
cific,'' inhabited by the males of the human race! 

Of South Sea Islanders there were, as will be seen by the table, 
321, according to the census of 1896, upon all the islands. Of 
tlioso 133 were employed upon the sugar estates in 1895 and 115 in 
1896; of other nationalities 720 were by the census upon all the 
islands, and in 1895 there were 97 employed, and in 1896 600 were 
employed — an increase of laborers employed upon sugar planta- 
tions from 1895 to 1896 of 3,660. 

This is a comment made by Mr. Joseph O. Carter; and I quote 
the figures from this same book, the Hawaiian Annual, that the 
American, British, and German people do not find estate work 
85;;a 



desirable, ext ept as skilled laborers. The Ainerieaii farm liaml 
WduUl find estate work most uninviting. 

The figures also prove that the sugar planters find it more 
l)rotitHble to import new laViorers on tlnee-years' contracts tlian 
to engage labor already on the ground, the reason being that tho 
newc-omer works for $1.?.00 per month, while the old baud demands 
a higher wage. 

Tlie smaller percentage of Chinese laborers on estates is due to 
the fact that tho Japanese is the cheajier man. Japaiie.se are com- 
ing in by every steamer from the Orient, and must continue to 
come or higher wages must prevail. 

The number of laborers on .sugar estates in 1890 (the year of the 
census) could not be procured at the Immigration Bureau, pre- 
sumably because the figures would make a worse showing. I 
subsequently procured the figures from Thrums Annual, which 
came out after that letter was written. 

I have here a table showing the percentages: 

In 187S c-ach thousanfl of the population w.os composed of tlio following ele- 
monts: Xativcs, s;i.'>; Chinese, h^~: Amerioans, 22; EnKlish, 15; Ciermaiis. 5, 
and other nationalities, ~'l. According to the census of this year the propor- 
. tions are as lollows— 

This was in 189G— 

The natives have decreased to ;>>3; the Japanese, who did not appear sepa- 
rately in the earlier census, are now represented by '~Si— 

The reason the Japanese do not appear in the census previous to 
1878 was because they were not there when we made the recii)roc- 
ity treaty with Hawaii and agi-eed to admit her sugar free in 1876, 
■which stimulated the industry which has peopled those islands 
with Asiatics and not with Americans — 

the Chinese have increased to 198; the Portuguese, anotlier new element, 
have i:J!i; tho Americans have 28; the English, 2<i, and the Germans Vi. As a 
result of the j)oIicy of protecting the foreign planters pursued by this coun- 
try, the American popiilation h.is increased less rajndly than any of the oth- 
ers, and the classi-s that are not likely ever to purchase American goods have 
increased out of all proportion to the others. 

n.VWAIlS NATIO.NAL DKUT. 

Now, let us see what kind of a population this is. "We propose 
to adopt or accept along with these islands its national debt of 
§4.00(J,(J00. One million two hundred thousand dollars of this 
national debt was incurred to encourage contract labor to go to 
the islands. Let us see what is the character of these contract 
laborers. This testimony which I shall read throws some light 
upon contract laborers: 

TESTI.MONY Of CI.AUS SPIIKCKKI.S. 

Q. .Suppose a "contract "" laborer is idling in the field, what do you do? 

A. We diK-k him; wo give him onlv one-lialf or threc-<iuarters of a dav; 
and if ho keeps it up, wc resort to the law and have him arrested for rofusiii^ 
to work. 

This is the Republic we are going to annex to our country, and 
this is a law under which that Republic exists! We fought'one of 
the greatest wars of modern times to overthrow .slavery. After 
having done that and having incurred a national debt of enor- 
mous proi)ortions, we propose to add slavery to the yrjoixt free Re- 
public. This matter grows worse as you look into ic. 

Q. W^hat do you acconii)lish by jiutting him in jai!':" 

A. K(jrth<' first offense hf is orderi'd back to work, and he h.ostoieven- 
tually) i)ay tht* cfist of court. If he refuses to olicy orders, he is arrested 
again and u light fine is inflicted, which tho i>lanter«un i)ay and take it out of 
his nay, or else ho is jiut on tho road to work. I'nr tin- third offou.se ho is 
likely to get three months imprisoumeut. 
3:^23 



And that is a law of this so-called mlssionar.v Republic, and that 
will be one of the laws after otir Hawaiian neighbors come into the 
United States, because we provide that their laws shall continue 
in force until we enact new laws. Ho we adopt slavery and all; 
and yet Senators are crazy to press this question in the midst of 
war,' to take advantage of the patriotic sentiments of our people 
and restore slavery to this country. 

These contracts provide for compelling the laborer to work faithfully by 
fines and damage suits brought by the planters against them, -with the right 
on the part of the planter to deduct the diimages and cast of suit out of the 
laborers wages. They also provide for comi)elling the laborer to remain 
with the planter during the contra;:t term. They are santioned by law and 
enforced uy civil remedies and penal litws.— Blount's report. 

Then this question is asked, and this is also a pai-t of the tes- 
timony in Blounfs report, which he took in investigating this 
subject: 

Q. Those sugar planters who are declaring themselves in favor of " an- 
nexation," how do they look at the labor question in connection with "an- 
nexation"? 

A. They think the United States will make a different law for the islands. 
If they C(niid not get [cheap 1 labor, they don't want aimexation. 

Q. But they ai'e satisticd they will get such legislation? 

The proposition is to appoint a commission: and the same in-' 
terest which was able to accomplish this reciprocity- treaty, which 
has cost us $72,000,000, has also been able to perpetiiate and con- 
tinue that treaty, thus plundering the taxpayers of our country 
of §10.000,000 per annum, will be pretty nearly able to secure what 
they want. 

THE SUGAR TITTST A>rD AX^TEXATTOX. 

Someone has said that the sugar trust is opposed to annexation. 
So far as I am concerned 1 should think there need be no fear of 
the opponents of annexation acting with the sugar trust, when 
the chief champions of the sugar trust in this body array them- 
selves on that side of the question; and so long as they continue 
the fierce advocates of annexation I shall conclude that there is 
no possible danger of my acting with the sngar trust. Here is 
more of this evidence: 

Q. Is it your impression that the calculation of all Hawaiian sugar plant- 
ers, who are in favor of "annexation," believe the United States will modify 
their laws against "contract" labor, so that thoy can maintain a system of 
'"contract" labor in the Hawaiian Islands? 

A. I would not say contract labor. They say we may have to give up 
" contract "" labor, but we can get all the labor we want from Japan. 

Q. How? 

A. They say we can send an agent there and send money, and he can send 
"labor " to Hawaii, and when it is here then they can make a "contract." 

(^. Thoy think in that way the planters can evade the labor laws of the 
United States? 

A. Yes; they think they can get around it. * * * 

President Dole said to me: "I have a belief that the United States will 
give us a separate law, so that we can get laborers hei'e." 

Tliat is in the testimony taken by Itfr. Blount, on page 975; and 
it will be found in House Executive Document No. 1, part 3, Fifty- 
third Congress, third session. 

Labor Commissioner Fifzgerald. of California, who was down 
there last year, came back and made a report showing that Amer- 
ican laborers could live there. Here is a part of his statement: 

I have seen ;)0,(KTO barefooted laborers, half of whom work under a penal 
contract; I have seen rewards offered for their arrest when they violated 
their contract and desertetl the plantation, with their number printed across 
their photograiJh in convict style. 



25 

These are the people we propose to mliuit to this Republic, and 
the men who enacted those laws, tlie sons of the missionaries, who 
are the cjoverument down tiiere to-day, are the men wlio are land<d 
upon this tloor as the highest typc-sof American manhood, and the 
Senator from Alabama [Mr. Moucjan] says thej' have the best 
govermnent he ever saw. The h-enatur from Alabama fought for 
several years to maintain slavery in this eoi:ntry, and perhaps 
that has something to do with his opinion. In his opinion a gov- 
ernment that is in favor of human slavery is the best government 
on earth. 

I wish to have the Secretary read an editorial from the Honolulu 
Independent of Friday, November ID, ISiiT, headed " Slavery in 
Hawaii." 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. G.vllixger in the chair). 
Without objection, the Secretary will read as requested. 

The Secretary read as follows: 

Hardly a week froes by without reports of serious l.ibor troubles rear-bing 
the Houolulu papers. The uuoheckecl and indisrriiniiiate inHux of Asiatic^ 
serving as penal contract laborers has reached a point where the sutjar i)laiit- 
ers begin to realize that there are dangerous squalls ahead and that plaiita- 
tious eventually will go up in flames to satisfy the cry for vengeance of the 
itjnorant coolies, who think that thev are b 'iU'-C ill u.sed and illtreatod by 
their employers, and who are justiHod in their lK>lii'f according to all fair- 
minded men with experience of plantation life and methfxls. 

As stated, a Japanese laborer shipped by the Ewa plantation claims that ha 
was assaulted by an overseer, who fractured his arm. The Jap. who has ar- 
rived recently and does not understand Ens:lish, was advised by his more 
experienced countrymen to call upon the district judge and ap!)eal to the 
strong hand of the Hawaiian law. The poor devil was. of course, prohibited 
from leavinp the i)lantation by his white "bosses.'' Then ho got angry, and, 
after a palaver with his "gansi,"' all decided to quit work and go to Honolulu 
to see the representative of their Government. Eighty Japanese set out for 
Honolulu, but were stopped at Pearl City by employees of the plantation, who 
• started to reason with the men. In the meantime the agents of the Kvra. 
Sugar t'ompany. Messrs. Castle & Cooke, had ber^n api)ris -d of the trouble, 
and at their retiuest Mr. Chester Doyle, the official court interpreter of the 
Jai>anese language, proceeded to Ewa to investigate and, if possible, prevent 
further disturbances. 

Mr. Doyle has had great experience in dealing with Japanese laborers " on 
strike." and at Pearl City ho called the men together and explained to them 
that they were committing an unlawful act by leaving work to follow their 
injured comrade, and that they ought to return to the plantation at unco, 
while the man who claimed to have been as.saulted could proceed to the 
proper authorities with his three witnesses and there enter his complaint. 
After considerable talk the men adoi)tod Mr. Doyle's proposition and re- 
turned to Ewa. There a conferen<'e w.xs held, aiid it w.is suggested— and 
agreed upon by the Japanese— that all would return to work, but tliat their 
wages should not be docked and that the injured man .should have medii:al 
attendance at the expense of the plantation and his wages to go on during 
his illness. 

The nifiuager. we are told, could not .approve of this reasonable proposi- 
tion, and insisted in being present, having had translated the conversation 
between Mr. Doyh-and thomen. Heeventuallv insisted in having the eiglity- 
ono Japaui-se jaili'd and fined, and, the strict letter of the law being with him, 
he curried his jioiiit. 

Ewa jail Is a small buildingcontaining two or three cells suitable to accom- 
modate two or thri-e p<>rsons each. The police force of Ewa is composed of 
two policemen and a daft native deputy sheriff. The manager evidently con- 
sidering the force insuHlcient to arrest eighty-one men, telephoned to the 
police dejiartment in M'Uiolulu asking for help or for permission to swear iu 
men as special constabU-s. 

These re<iuests were naturally refused. a.R violation of labor contracts is a 
civil and not a criminal offense. The citizens' gu.ird, whatever that may bo, 
waa then called out, wo are told, and thi- eightyoue Japs were forced to 
tramp to Ewa jail, wliere tht-y were locked up. How the men were accom- 
modated in the cells of tho jail is a mystery. They must have l)cen packed 
like sardines in a lx)X. This morning they were to 1m> tried before the Ha- 
waiian magLstratc of the i)lantation district They huvc no attorncvs, no 
Interpreter, and no knowledge of our laws. The magistrate will prdljubly 
0023 



26 

order thorn to return to wr)rk and to pay costs, which means that $3 will Ije 
deducted from th? $1^ which each of them receives per month. 

This is only one instance in hundreds showintj the slavery in Hawaii. It 
may be of interest to Senator M<iit(;AN and other annexationists who desire, 
for a consideration, to saddle the United States with the problems of the 
Hawaiian Islands to know that Ewa Plantation stock is quoted at :tol.5 per 
share. 

VIA HONOLULU THE LOXG ROUTE. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Now, what are the arguments which are 
presented whj- we should annex the.se islands, with their pecitliar 
and undesirable population? The arguments presented in debate 
before were that we should annex these islands because of a won- 
derful commercial interest; that we should annex these islands 
because their commerce was carried in American ships and under 
the American flag; that we should annex these islands because 
they were on the routes of commerce of the Orient. All this has 
apparently been abandoned, and the only argument now presented 
is that an American war vessel can not cross the Pacific without 
getting coal; that these islands are absolutely necessary in order 
that we may reach the fleet at Manila. That is the argument now 
Ijeing pressed to the front. I am going to investigate this argu- 
ment and see if it is honest. 

It is further urged that we can not coal in a neutral port: that 
the reason our ships are going byway of Hawaii is because Hawaii 
has not declared its neutralit}' and Japan has, and that therefore 
our .ships can not go to Japan to coal and then go on their way to 
Manila. 

It is well known that the distance from Honolulu to Manila is 
4,800 miles; it is well known that the distance from Puget Sound 
to Yokohama, Japan, is ■it'.^OO miles; in other words, the distance 
from Hawaii across the Pacific Ocean to Manila is greater than 
the distance from San Francisco or Puget Sound to the port of 
Yokohama, in Japan, and so the argument has to be made that 
we can not coal in Japan. Is there anything to sustain it? Noth- 
ing itnder heaven. No authorities have been cited, no grounds 
have been given for this statement, but it has been made; and 
yet ever}' Senator knows that coal only under certain circum- 
stances is contraband of war, and that the vessels of a belligerent 
may coal in a neutral port. 

I wish to repeat again that the distance from San Francisco to 
Yokoliama. Jai)an, is !500 miles shorter than the distance from 
Honolulu, in the Hawaiian Islands, to Manila by the shortest pos- 
siV)le route, and that, too. a rotate which is not usually traveled in 
order to make it short. The distance from Puget Sound to Yoko- 
hama is GUI) miles shorter than the distance from Honolulu to 
Manila; and yet they say the Pacific is so wide that none of our 
vessels can carry coal enough to cross without stopping. The 
Pacific is wider from Honolulu to the coast of Asia than it is from 
Puget Sound to the coast of Asia. We have traveled 2,000 miles 
to get farther away, and then declare that our vessels can not 
carry coal enough to get across the water. 

I contend that we could coal in Yokohama, in Japan: that we 
could have started our ships from Puget Sound within five days, 
if we had been carrying on war. after we told Dewey to go to 
Manila. But we made no move then until he had gone there and 
destroyed the Spanish fleet. Now it is over fifty days, and we have 
offered no relief. We have started it by the longest route. A ship 
can sail from Puget Soitnd to Manila and save a thousand miles 



27 

as compared with going from San Francisco by way of Honoliiln 
to Manila. A sliip can. therefore, .save four days' time. A ship 
can LCo from Pnget Sound to ^Manila in twenty-one days, and it is 
tilty days since Dewey's battle, and during all these dreary tifty 
days there has been no fighting anywhere except by the insurgents 
on the Philipi)ine Islands. 

If wo had had an active Administration, the moment Dewey 
was .sent to Manila we would liave started our tieot from Puget 
Sound and sint him a-sistance and relief. Instead of that, we 
must wait, day by day. fifty days, till foreign governments have 
had to interfere toprotect their own people, this country having pro- 
duced a condition of anarchy and disorder there which made their 
lives unsafe. So we dragged in European complications. If we 
had started our ships l)y tlie way of Yokohama from Puget Sound, 
they would have sailed a thousand miles loss than the ships will 
sail which we have finally sent, and we could have coaled at Yo- 
kohama and in -Tapan and reached Manila a mi)nth ago. 

Mr. r^IAXTLE. If it will not interrupt the Senator from South 
Dakota, I should like to ask him a question. I have heard him 
say during the progress of this debate, and I have also heard it 
stated b}- other Senatbi's. that it is much nearer to reach Japan or 
China ( r the Phili;ipiue Islands by what is called the Aleutian 
route— that is Tip na-th; north of Honolulu— than it is by way of 
Ilotiolulu. I wis": to ask Senators if. as a matter of fact, com- 
merce does not take the Honolulu route to those countries. I ask 
for information. 

COMMERCE DOES XOT TAKE THE HONOLULU KOUTE. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. It is a matter of fact that commerce does 
not take the Honolulu route, but, on the contrary, every vessel 
leaving San Francisco for Japan, unless it has special business 
in Hawaii which makes it pay, goes .straight across the Pacific. 
It saves throe days' time. When I retm-ned from the Orient last 
snnimcr I wished to remain in Japan nine days longer, but if I 
had waited nine daj"s longer the next ship belonging to the same 
line, the Occidental and Oriental, would not go to Honolulu at 
all. It would come straight across the Pacific and save three days 
and save the coal and save the expense. Every ship that they 
send goes that way unless it has business at Honolulu suflicient 
to make it profitable to sail 'JOO miles farther and three days 
lom,'er. 

Mr. MANTLE. I have heard it said, and I have read it, that 
there are certain currents in the Pacific Ocean running near to 
Honolulu and in that direction which more than compensate, be- 
cause of the aid tliey give vessels in helping to carry them in that 
direction, for the longer distance by way of that island. I should 
like the Senator to .^ay something upon "that subject. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I will say that if the Senator should goto 
San Francisco and desire to go to Japan, the .same steamboat com- 
pany would agree to take him in fifteen days if he went straight 
across and eighteen days if lie went by Honolulu. That is asiifJi- 
cient answer to the talk about currents. Their schedule time is 
three days shorter, I do not care whether it is going or coming. 
It makes no difference. There are currents in the Pacific. They 
run from half a knot to a knot an hour. Those currents are ail 
through the Pacific. 

But if a route has the benefit of the current going one way. you 
have the disadvantage of the current going the other; and the 

35-3 



28 

current that flows by the Hawaiian Islands flows west. The cnr- 
ront that flows by the Aleutian Islands flows east. And there- 
fore the ship which goes west by Hawaii goes with the current 
and conies east against it, and a ship that goes west by the Aleu- 
tian Islands goes against the current going out and comes with it 
coming back. It is only sailing Vessels that pay any attention to 
these things. You will find the sailing routes crooked and long. 
I have a map which I will bring in here showing the routes of 
sailing vessels on the Pacific. No steamship follows those routes. 
Mr. CAFFERY. I desire to ask the Senator whether or not he 
has investigated the matter of fogs which are alleged to sitrround 
the route from Vancouver, eay, by the Aleutian Islands? 

COALING IN A NUCTKAI. HAIiUOK. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Both of the Senators have anticipated my 
debate. I will reach that question and argue it fully. I should 
like to dispose, if the Senator is willing, of the question of coaling 
in a neutral harbor. 

Mr. CAFFERY. Certainly. 

]\]r. PETTKiREW. I have here International Law by Snow, 
and I have heard some of the best international lawyers I know 
say he is one of the most competent authorities on the subject; 
that he is a writer of great ability and a close student. He says: 

Nor is it neeossarv tli.it tho ports should he habitually used. Melbourne 
formed a suflicientry good base to the Confederate cruiser Slienondoali dur- 
ing our civil war to enable her after a single stay to carry on a campaign iu 
the North Pacific Ocean against our mercantile and whaling vessels without 
being obliged to resort to any other port. 

A neutral hence has the right to impose such restrictions upon belligerent 
vessels wliich come within its .iurisdiction as may be deemed necessary for 
the euri)rceiiient of its neutrality, and so long as these restrictions are im- 
partiallv (tarried out -there is no ground for complaint. This right is exer- 
ei.sed at'timos to the extent of forbidding all armed cruisers, with or without 
prizes, to enter certain neutral ports and waters for the purpose of obtaining 
provisions, coal, or repaii's. 

Then he goes on to .show that that is not, however, the rule rec- 
ognized by the great nations of the worltl: 

The restrictions and prohibitions imposed by neutrals upon the vessels of 
belligerents as to the neutral ports are never extended so tar as to deny the 
hospitality of those ports in case of immediate danger of want, such as stres.s 
of weather, want of ])rovisions, etc. Asylum to this extent is required by tho 
ordinary laws of humanity. 

Bv the first proclamation of President Grant, issued August 20, 18.0. at the 
outljreak of the Franco- Prussian war, among the acts forbidden were those 
of increasing or augmenting the force, armament, or wai-hke equipment of 
any bidligerciit vci-scl of war within tho territory of the United States: also 
the beginning or setting mi foot or providing or preparing means for any 
military expedition against the territory of either belligerent. 

The movements of the belligerent cruisers on our coast and in our waters 
lieingsuch as to call for more explicit and stringent rules. President Grant, 
on the 8th of October, iHTd, issued a second proclamation, by which tlio bel- 
ligerent .ships were not permitted to fnMiuent the waters of the United States 
for tho purpose ol preparing for hostile oi>eratioiis; tliey were forbidden to 
leave the waters of the United States, from which a vessel of war, privateer, 
or merchant vessel of tho other belligerent had sailed, until after the expira- 
tion of twenty-four hours from its dei>arture. Belligerent ve.ssels were not 
to U.SO the Dorts of the United States except in case of necessity, and they 
were to leiivc port twenty-four Iiours after i)rovisions had been ."-ccured or 
the necessarv reiiairs effected. No supplies other than those necessary for 
the subsistence of the persons on board were to bo taken, and only suflicient 
coal to take tho vessel to the nearest European port of her own country, and 
until her return to such port no coal was to be supplied oftener than ones in 
three months. 

That has become the established law of nations. Efiglnnd has 
already adopted it. A vessel of a belligerent may enter the port 



29 

of a neutral for the purpose of getting c'«ial ancl provisions while 
on its way to another point, and it may get co:il cnougli so that 
it may ri-turn to its nearest home port. Grant declared that (Ger- 
man or French ve.ssels could visit onr coast, remaining twoutj-- 
fonr hours, not leaving witliin twenty-tour hours after another 
UUigerent .«hip had lett; that tliey might take coal enough to re- 
turn to tlieir ne:irest home port, and that they could not return 
until they had been to a homo port or else had been absent three 
months. ' In other words, they could sail at once to the coast of 
the Athmtic, go to a port in France, and come back again and get 
coal once more. Let us see what England has done ou the same 
subject. This is what she has done: 

la order to (ru.inl atrainst a roiiotition of such acts tho British authorities 
directed that in the future duriiiK tho war any vessel of either hellitierent 
entering au English port should "bo required to depart and put to sea withiu 
twenty-four hours after her entrance into such jiort, exco)it in case of stress 
of weather or of her requiring provisions or things necessary for the sul> 
sistence of her crew or repairs." In such case the local authorities were to 
"require her to jnit to sea as soon as possible after the expiration of such 
period of twenty lour hours." This rule is virtually the same as that incor- 
porated in the proclamation of President Grant in ISTO. 

I think it can be fairly stated that that is the settled law. 

The Geneva award, and that was cited by the Senator from 
New Hampshire the other day, was made under cci'tain rules 
which were laid down, and among those rules it is provided that 
the port of a neutral can not be used as a base. No one pretends 
that it can. But there is no doubt that our ships crossing the Pa- 
cific can stop at a neutral port to secure coal with which to go on 
their way. and there is no possible question but that they can se- 
cure coal enough to reach the nearest home port. 

Speaking of coal as contraband of war, Russia and France have 
refused torecognize it as contraband, because they have little of 
it. England has recognized it as contraband of war under certain 
conditions, because she has it all over the world and will have the 
advantage of an enemy if she can establish that doctrine. We 
have recognized the English rule. 

England, during the Franco-Prussian war, judged of coal in this way: She 
refused to consider it as unconditionally contraljand, but vessels were pro- 
hibited from sailing directly from English ports with coal for tho French 
fleet in the North Sea. It is probable that nations having a limited coivl sup- 
plv will strive to keep coal from tho list of contraband articles. France and 
Russia are at the present time the leading opponents among nations to de- 
claring coal as contraband of war. 

Therefore the port to which anything is to be shipped, the des- 
tination of the ship, is taken into consideration in determining 
whether it is contraband of war or not. That is true of coal jvud 
many classes of provisions. If a ship has taken out a bill of lading 
to a naval station pure and simple, the supposition is that the 
freight is contraband of war; but she may have the same freight 
for another port in a belligerent country and yet not be contraband 
of war. It is governed by the circumstances. 

It follows, then, that tho Unit^^d States at present hold defined and limited 
ftgre<'monts as to contraband with Hf)livia. (Colombia, Santo Domingo, Ecua- 
dor, France, Guatemala, IWiti, tho Netherlands, Italy, Mexico, Prussia, Sal- 
vador, Spain, Swollen and Norway, and Venezuela. 

And in every treaty we say what shall be contraband of wai', 
and coal is not included. 

With other nations than those named above the United States h.as no 
agreement as to contralKind goods, and the i)rizo courts would determine 
aciording to public law tho character of morchaudiso shipped to encmy'a 
ports. 

3523 



30 

Wharton, in his Digest of International Law, in thethir J volume, 
speaking of coal, says: 

It is a product of nature with which some regions are bountifully supplied 
while others are destitute of it, and its transportation, instead of ineeting 
witli imiicdiincnts, should be aided and encouraged. Tlie atti^mpt to enable 
bellitiertut nations to prevent all trade in this most valuable accessory to 
niechaiiical power has no just claim for support in the law of nations: and the 
United States avow their determination to oppose it so far as their ves.sels 
are concerned. 

This was Mr. Cass, Secretary of State, in a letter to Mr. Mason, 
dated June 27. 1859. However, since then we have adopted the 
policy which I think is clearly outlined in President Grant's proc- 
himation of 1870, in relation to the Franco-Prussian war. 

Again Wharton says: 

It is certainly no breach of neutrality to sell coal for use on a belligerent 
steamer visiting the port of sale casually under stress of weather. But it 
would plainly bo a breach of neutrality to establish a coaling depot to supply 
all steamers of any particular belligerent.— ir/iarfo)i"s Commentaries on 
American Law, section '^'M. 

Again: 

The question how far it is a breach of neutrality to supply coal to a bellig- 
erent has been already incidentally considered isupra. section 3tJiM. It may 
be here stated, in connection with the present head, that it is not a breach 
of neutrality for a neutral state to permit the coaling of belligerent steamers 
in its ports to the same extent as it permits the coaling of other foreign steam- 
ers resorting to its ports casually and without settled stations established 
for them. Nor is It a broach of neutrality for a neutral state to permit the 
sale of coal to any extent to a belligerent. It would, however, be a breach 
of neutrality for a neutral to permit a permanent depot or magazine to bo 
0])ened on its shores, on which a particular belligerent could depend for 
constant sii])plies. 

To re([uire a neutral to shut up its ports so as to exclude from coaling all 
belligerents would expose a nation with ports as numerous as those of the 
IJnited States to an expense as great as would be imposed by actual belliger- 
ency. It is on the belligerent, who goes to war, not on the neutral, who de- 
sires to keep out of it, that should be thrown expenses so enormous, and 
constitutional strains so severe as those thus required. On the other hand, 
the breaking u)> of central depots or magazines for the constant suyiply of 
])articulav belligerents would be within easy range of ordinary national 
police. Nor can there be any charge of partiality made in allowing coaling 
with the limitation above stated, when the same iirivilege is granted to both 
belligerents. 

Therefore, if Hawaii had declared herself a neutral, and allowed 
our ships and Spanish ships, if they came, to coal, there would 
have been no breach of neutrality. But it has been argued on 
this floor that it is a matter of great consideration and to be 
pointed to with pride that Hawaii has not declared herself a neu- 
tral. Let us s(!e. Was it because she wanted to furnish us coal? 
Not at all. She had no such idea. She cared nothing about it. 
But the Government in Hawaii, the revolutionary government, 
the usurping missionary government, was set up in 18'j:5 by the 
landing of the marines of the United States, by the overturning 
of the monarchy of Queen Liliuokalani, by the guns and arms of 
the United States, tinder the American flag; and from that day to 
tliis there never has been a minute that a war ship of tlie United 
States lias not been in the harbor with shotted guns bearing di- 
rectly upon the Government buildings and the Government offices, 
and within half a mile. 

If Hawaii had declared her.self a neuti'al, our ship of war. which 
sup])orts and sustains and makes possible this usurjiing Govern- 
ment, would have to leave the port, and they did not dare to have 
it leave: and so they did not declare themselves neutral. That is 
all there is to it. It is a matter of self-preservation. They had 



31 

to keep mir ship of war there, or else their ship of stat.' woiikl 
have i^oiie down. 

Yet it is said that great credit is due to theiu. Senators parade 
it here as a matter of sublime credit to thoso fellows who have 
established a (.Tovernmi'nt not sustained by the prople of Hawaii, 
a revolutionary Government, set up by the (lovernnient of the 
United States, a Government that does not exist by the consent 
of the governed, a Government that would be overturned (if 
those people had a vote) by a vote of 9 to 1: and that Govern- 
ment, in order to preserve itself , could not declare neutrality in 
this war and have our ships leave the harbor for fear the out- 
raged and indignant inhabitants of that country would overturn 
their despotism. 

Wharton goes on fiu'ther to say— quoting from Wiiartons Crmii- 
ual Law: 

But the mere ooca'^ionfil supplv of coal to a belliLjorcnt rruisor. not from a 
constant roalin;,' Kiso. or in such quantities as to Rreatly enhance the cruiser's 
capacity for destruction, is not of itself a breach of neutrality. 

I have been unal)le to find any authority to the contrary. 
Wharton then cites President Grant's proclamation on this sub- 
ject, extracts from which I have read, which seems to have be- 
cdUio the settled law upon the question. Of course that law is 
known to the Navy Department and known to this Government, 
and therefore when they started their ships for Manila, why did 
thev not start them over the shortest route? Four days longer 
they must travel and sail if they go by Hawaii than if they went 
from San Francisco straight across the Pacific. Why did they 
not do it? Simply because they wanted to find another argument 
to bolster up this Hawaiian sugar-planters" scheme of getting into 
the Union. 

If that is not true, if it is not a fair and just criticism of their 
acts, let the advocates of annexation give a better reason. They 
sit here silent. They offer to the American people nothing as a 
justification for their course. I warn them that the American 
people will study this question. I believe they are opposed to im- 
perialism and to conquest and to the acquisition of undesirable 
populations, incapable of self-government. You assume that, 
backed bv the Administration, you have the brute force to put 
through this unconstitutional measure. It seems to me the Amer- 
ican public are entitled to your reasons. 

THE SHOUT houtf: to the ai.ei'ttan isi-am>s. 

Here is a map of the northern Pacific, drawn as near as possible 
like a globe, showing the exact location of islands and countries 
and their relation to each other. IMost maps we look at are drawn 
upon a plane, and parallels of longitude are the same at the equator 
as at the poles, giving a deceptive idea as to the location of coun- 
tries upon the globe and their relation to each other. It will bo 
seen by this map that leaving San Francisco a ship would never be 
nearer the Hawaiian Islands than it was when it started. If it 
went the shortest route it would go by the Aleutian chain, and 
would reach Manila, sailing over 500 miles shorter distance thau 
if it went by Honolulu. 

It would have to caiTy coal enough to sail, if it went to Yoko- 
hama, Japan, 4,oOi) miles. The distance from San Francisco to 
Y'okohama is less by several hundred miles than the distance from 
Honolulu to Manila. If a vessel could not carry coal enough to 
go across from San Francisco to Y'okohama, then it could not carry 



32 

coal enough to go from Honolulu to Manila. Therefore, the claim 
that theyliad to send their boats there to coal falls to the ground, 
and its dishonesty is obvious to everyone. If a vessel wanted to 
re ich Hongkong, tlien it coiald save 9U9 miles if it went straight to 
Hongkong rather than by way of Honolulu, 

If it wanted to reach Yokohama, it could save 900 miles if it 
went direct to Yokohama, rather than going byway of Honolulu, 
It would come within sight of the Aleutian Islands, islands which 
we already own. If we must have a coaling station in the Pacific, 
we already have it if we will only use it. The Island of Kiska — 
here is a map of it — is owned by the United States. It is So miles 
in length. It has one of the grandest bays in any ocean— a bay 
that will hold all the ships in our Navy. Here are the soundings 
of this bay and its size: It is 30 feet deep up within a hundred 
feet of .sliore: it is GO to 100 feet all the way out. It is absolutely 
landlocked. Tiiere are no islands and no shoals on this side of 
that island out to the open Pacific. It can bo entered, no matter 
how hard the wind blows, no matter what the storm is. at any 
time of the year. That island is located at this point on the map. 
[Indicating.] 

TU!': H.VH150K OF KISKA. 

Kiska is 2,028 miles from San Francisco. It is 3,700 miles from 
Manila. Honolulu is 4,800 miles from Manila. Our own land, 
our own port, our own harbor, is 3,700 miles from Manila. Why 
do we not occupythis port of our own to command the coast of 
Asia? It is only 1,904 miles from Yokohama. It is only 3,400 
miles from Hongkong. We own it; it is ours; it comiuands the 
coast of Asia. If we want a port to command the coast of Asia 
or to protect Alaska, why do we not occupy our own port? I 
should like to have the advocates of annexation answer that ques- 
tion. Why do we not use our own port instead of going 1,000 
miles out of the way to use somebody's else? 

From Vancouver, from Port Townsend, from Puget Sound, 
which we also own, the distance is 300 miles shorter than from 
San Francisco. A vessel can go from Vancouver to Yokohama 
by sailing 4,202 miles, and from Yokohama to Manila by sailing 
1,753 miles, making 0,000 miles; while to go by way of San Fran- 
cisco and the Hawaiian Islands it must sail 7,000 miles. 

Kiska. this harbor, unsurpassed in the world, is within 3,700 
miles of Manila. A vessel leaving this harbor for Manila can 
sail much faster than a vessel that has to sail 5,000 miles. As we 
all understand, there is great economy in the use of coal bj- sail- 
ing slow, if a vessel has to go 5,000 miles she must go very slow 
and economize coal, but if she has to go 3,700 miles she can make 
much greater speed. She can make more miles in a day if she 
has a shorter distance to sail than if she has a long distance to 
sail. 

So where is there sense or reason in this argument that we must 
have a coaling station? What is there that justifies taking this 
measure up in time of war and dividing our people over a collat- 
eral contest? Why do we not finish the war? We are all iinited 
upon that question. Why do we not finish the war instead of 
bringing in this question that divides us? When we have fought 
the war out, let us fight out this great question of acquisition of 
empire. It seems to me that that is the patriotic duty of the Ad- 
ministration instead of bringing in questions of this sort that are 



33 

nnnecosparj' and tryinp: to crowd them on onr people when we are 
eiiKa,i;eil in a contest witli a foreign foe, 

1 should like to know how tliey answer this contention. Here 
is a harbor of our own tliat caji bo entered at any time, no matter 
what the weather may be, and can be departed from without one 
particle of ditticulty. 

ISir. BATE. Of what harbor is the Senator speaking? 

:Mv. PETTIGREW. The harbor of Kiska. It is argued, and 
that is the only argument, that this northern route, this straight 
line, this shortest tlistance, runs through an undesirable sea; that 
it is foggy; that it is full of rocks; that it is full of storms; that it 
is imi)assable. Melville says that the harbors are shoal, full of 
ice. I will read from Finh\y's North Pacific Ocean and Japan 
Directory with regard to the harbor of Kiska; 

Kisk.i Island— A hilly islaml, I'xcoptinp its eastern part, which is low. Its 
lentrth, NE. by E.aiitl SW. by W.. is I.';") miles. 

, The harbor of Kiska is a noblo bay, perfectly protected from all winds, 
with gootl holding ground and a niodorato depth of water. The entrance is 
wide enough to ou.-iblc a sailing vessel to beat in or out at any time. Tliero 
are no hidden dangers, and the depth of water is sufficient for any vessel. 

KISKA nAUliOn FRKE FUO^r ICE. 

As an additional recommendation, Kiska Harbor never has any 
ice in it. It is in tlic same latitude as the city of London. It is in 
the Japan current. It never freezes. No ice ever forms. There is 
a lake of fresh water right on the shore. Why do we not take our 
own harbors? Oh, you say, there was no coal there when the M'ar 
broke out. It has been fifty days since the war broke out. We 
could have got coal there. By sailing 2,(}28 miles from San Fran- 
cisco or 2,y00 from Seattle we could have put coal there, plenty 
of it. 

Now, let us see what the conditions are concerning the climate. 
I asked the Weather Bureau with regard to the harbor of Una- 
laska, which is east of Kiska and on the .same line, right on the 
route to the Orient. This is their reply: 

U.NiTED States Depart.mext of Aoriculture, 

Weather Bureau, 
}\'(ishiniiton, I). C, June 10, 1S93. 
Dear Sir: In reply to yonr letter of the 9th instant, I beg to inclose here- 
with a manuscript copy of the monthly mean temperatures for each year 
during which obsorvutions were made, at St. Paul Island, Bering Sea, and 
Uualaska. 

Unala.ska is 2 north of Kiska. and the Pribilof Islands are 4° 
farther north. 

Our reports indicate that the harbor of Unalaska is, on rare occasions, 
covered by floating ice, whicli in an unusually cold season may freeze over 
and become a i)ermanent sheet. Ordinarily, however, the harbor would 
seem to ho free trom ice. 

Very respectfully, WILLIS L. MOORE, 

Chief of Bureaxi. 
Hon. R. F. Pettic.rew, 

Unilcd States .Senate, Washinfjlun, D. C. 

The fact of the matter is that I talked on this subject with the 
Senator from California [Mr. Pkukins] . He says that there never 
has been ice known in the harbor but once, and his ships havo 
gone there for the last quarter of a century. That once was suffi- 
cient. I have seen New York Harbor full of ice, when it was not 
unnavigablo or unusable. But the harbor of Kiska, which is 2" 
farther south than Unalaska, is in the Japan current, and from 
all the information I can secure there ia never any ice within it. 



34 



Now, let us see about Unalaska. The Pribilof Islands are di- 
rectly north of Unalaska. Here is their temperature during the 
winter, and we can judge for ourselves whether there is ice or not: 

Treasury Department, 
Ofb'ice of the Coast anu Gf;ouetic Survey, 

Washinoton, D. €., June 10, 1S9S. 
Sir: In reply to your letter of June 9, 1 beg leave to forward the follow-ing: 
2'cmperature {Fahrenheit) at St. Paul, Pribilof Islands. 



Date. 



1873, 


1874, 


mean. 


mean. 





o 


1.5.7 


SO.P 


18.0 


33.5 


13.0 


33 


2i.9 


34.5 


3(15 


39 


37.0 


44.4 


43 


49.1 


40.5 


50.8 


43 


47.3 


37.8 


4<J.2 


32.4 


37.8 


29.9 


a3.3 



1375, 
mean. 



.January .. 
February . 

Man-h 

April 

May 

.luoe 

July 

Auttust ... 
Scpteniljer 
October... 
November 
December . 



34.9 
35.3 

29 

28.9 

34.2 

42 

47 

47.9 

46 

41.7 

34.9 

26.2 



It was never either hot or cold. It never reached the freezing 
point during the whole j-ear. The lowest point the mercury 
reached in IbTo was in December, when it was above zero. In 
regard to the harbor of Unalaska, w^liich Mr. Melville saj-s in his 
statement is full of ice, I have the observations given here: 

Temperature (Fahrenheit) at Iliuliiik Harbor, Unalaska Island. 



Date. 



January . 
February 
March . . . 

April. 

May 

June 



1871-73, 
mean. 



29 

29.2 

■■S.\A 

40.7 

40.6 

47.2 



Date. 



July 

August 

September 
October ... 
November 
December . 



1871-72, 
mean. 



49.3 
42.5 
38 
33.5 



The minimum observed in 1872 was 13= Fahrenheit. 

Continued northers may fill the harbor with fragments of drift ice, bat 
this is of rare occurrence. The small harbor is sometimes covered vi-ith skim 
ice. Further data may perhaps be obtained from the Chief of the Weather 
Bureau. 

Respectfully, yours, HENRY S. PRITCHETT, 

Superintendent. 
Hon. R. F. Pettigkew, 

United States Senate, Washington, D. C. 

Mr. WHITE. Mr. President- — 

The PRESIDING OFFICER (INIr. Faulkner in the chair). 
Does the Senator from South Dakota yield to the Senator from 
California? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. I yield to the Senator. 

Mr. WHITE. My attention is directed to a tabular statement 
contained on page GG07 of the Congressional Record, and also 
to a note written to Hon. Hugh A. Dinsmore, of the House of 
Representatives, on the previous page, which contains a statement 

3.J-3 



35 

as to the temperature at Kiska. I suggest in tliis connection that 
the Senator from South Dakota might put in the letter anil also 
the tabular statement. It would be interesting to read them. 

TKMPKRATVHE IN THE ALEUTIAN ISLANDS. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. The note referred to is as follows: 
U.MTKU States Depaut.ment of Aoincri.TrRE, 

Wkatiieu Blheau. 
IVashiiujton, D. C, June 9, ISuS. 
De\u Sir: Ibep to acknowledge the rcwipt of your letter of even date 
In roaard to tbo climiito of certain of the Aleutian Islands. 

I have ploiu^uro in transnlittin^r herewith a copy of the daily extremes of 
temperature at Kiska Island for Xovembor and Ueconiljor, IMS."), January r.nd 
February, lt<-t>. the only time during which observations were mado at this 
place I also inclose a tabular statement of the lowest teuincratures ever 
recorded at Unalaska during.' a period of seven years. At the latter point 
the lowest temperature ever recorded was 11° above zero. \N estward tho 
weather is not nuite so cold. 

Just as I said, Unalaska is 450 miles east of Kiska. Kiska is in 
the .Japan current, which flows up between Kiska and the peniu- 
.snla of Kamchatka into Bering Sea and through Bering Strait 
into the Arctic Ocean. 

"Wo have little data as regards tho freedom of the harbor from ice. At 
Unalaska moving ice obstructed the harbor during a short period in the win- 
ter of 187:2. We should say that interruptions to navigation dtie to ice at 
Kiska, to the westward, are not serious. 

It is very serious that there was a little ice once, in 1872. at Una- 
laska. That condemns that as a harbor, I suppose. No ice since, 
according to this statement, for our ships visit Unalaska Harbor 
every month in the year. 

The mean winter temperature at Atka Island, longitude I.**.")" 45' "W. from 
Greenwich, is :»=>. The sea temperature is, of course, a few degi-ces higher. 
Very respectfully. ^^^^^^ ^ ^^^^^^ 

Chief of Hurccnt. 
Mr. Hron A. Dinsmore, 

United States House of Representatives, Washin(jtou, D. C. 

Then here are the tables of the temperatures at Kiska, given each 
day from January, ISbO. 

On the 1st dav of January, 188G, the maximum temperature 
was 37', the minimum 'dV above zero: on the LM, the maximum 
was 37 , the minimum 30 ; on the 6th, the maximum was 30' , and 
the minimum 20' above zero; on the 11th of January the maxi- 
mum was 37 and the minimum 23"; on the 12th the maximum 
was 30 and the minimum 20'. I am giving the last stages, when 
it was the coldest, selecting those, but will publish all the tables as 
a part of my remarks. 

On the 21st of January the maximum was 36% the minimum 29 ; 
on the 27th the maximum was 37", and the minimum 32"; on the 
31st the maximum was 39', and the minimum 33 ; on the 1st day 
of Februarv, 188f>, the maximum was 38' above zero and tho 
minimum 33 , only a difference of 5' night and day, and no freez- 
ing, of course; and on February 28, tho last day of observation, 
the maximum was 30', and the minimum 27'. In 188.") it runs 
just about the same. It never freezes. Therefore there is never 
ice, and the consequence is that here is one of tho best harbors 
in tho world, free from ice, and we own it, and it is only 3,700 
miles from Manila: but Honolulu, that we are making such a 
fuss about, is -1,800 miles from Manila. Why do wo not go up 
to our own harbor, the shortest way, and save the time and resciio 
our sailors in tho Bay of Manila sooner than wo can do it by this 
aii:^^ ' 



3G 



tropical foreij^n missionary port? I should like to have the friends 
of annexation answer that. I will publish all these other tables 
with regard to temperature, without stopping to read them. 
The tables referred to are as follows: 

Daily maximum and minimum temperatures at Kiska, Alaska. 





Jan., 


1886. 


Feb. 


1866. 


Nov. 


1885. 


Dec, 


1885. 


Day. 


Maxi- 
mum. 


Mini- 
mum. 


Maxi- 
mum. 


Mini- 
mum. 


Maxi- 
mum. 


Mini- 
mirm. 


Maxi- 
mum. 


Mini- 
mum. 


1 


37 
37 
37 
36 

a5 

36 
36 
35 
36 

37 
37 
36 
38 
36 
36 
36 
37 
40 
39 
4i 

;« 

39 
39 
38 
40 
39 
37 
37 
39 
39 
39 


31 
30 
33 
31 
32 
29 
26 
17 

2:$ 

20 
23 
20 
30 
25 
32 
25 
24 
34 
33 
32 
29 
3:1 
31 
3L 
32 
33 
32 
33 
33 
34 
35 


38 

37 

36 

37 

33 

34 

34 

3S 

33 

35 

41 

37 

31 

33 

3!} 

31 

33 

35 

36' 

36 

38 

36 

3t 

38 

44 

36 

43 

36 


33 
33 
30 

28 
20 
23 
23 
15 
20 
2.S 
33 
28 
26 
26 
27 
Zi 
2:5 
28 
28 
28 
23 
26 
20 
28 
28 
23 
20 
37 


40 
38 
38 
43 
44 
47 
46 
44 
40 
43 
43 
45 
46 
40 
38 
38 
36 

4;i 

45 

88 

43 

3t) 

43- 

38 

3;j 
37 
35 
34 
34 
39 


37 
33 
28 
33 
34 
38 
40 
36 
34 
33 
34 
35 
36 

;jo 

28 
30 
25 
37 
36 
29 
33 
28 
■Si 
28 
2i 
25 
35 
28 
27 
18 


41 

3r 

36 
39 
39 
38 

S> 
38 
39 
34 

•sr, 

36 
3". 
3:^ 
36 
38 
43 
41 
37 
30 
34 
3n 
3(3 
34 
36 
36 
37 
40 
39 
36 


32 


2 


31 


3 


SO 


4 


30 


5 


29 


6 


29 


7 ;::::::::.:.- 


21 


8 


24 


9 


23 


10 


29 


11 


24 


u 


20 


13 


23 


14 


27 


15 


23 


16 


24 


17 


30 


18 


30 


19 


33 


20 


27 


gl 


25 


23 *... 

23 


18 
31 


24 


31 


25 


28 


26 


26 


27 


30 


28 


30 


29 


30 


30 






33 


31 






31 






1 







Minimum temperature of Unalaska, Alaska. 



Year. 


a 

si 






P. 


1 


<D 

a 
a 
>-> 


t-3 


P 
< 


P. 










t5 

Q 


1873 












37 


43 












1878 














30 
37 


30 
24 


31 
34 


19 


1879 


20 
19 


27 


15 
24 


21 
35 










?3 


1880 


39 










1881 


37 
36 
34 
;50 
34 


37 
40 
40 
41 
40 


43 

36 
38 
41 
40 


43 
37 
3:3 
36 
34 


36 
26 
30 
26 
30 


28 
Zi 
19 

2;} 

23 


18 


1883 


19 
16 
&l 

18 


14 
13 
34 
9 
9 


20 
5 
16 
13 
14 


31 
13 
15 
20 
36 


if 

31 
31 
33 


l'^ 


1883 


U 


1884 


78 


1885 


•^ 


1886 





















Mean temperature of Atlu Island, Alaska; latitude, C2° CS' north; longitude, 
117° ilt' tvest. 

Degrees. 

January, ia'^1 31.3 

F<>ljrinuy, 1881 33.1 

Marcili. IHSI 29.3 

35:iJ 



37 

CLIMATE OF ALASKA. 

[By A. J. Henry, Chief of Division of Records and Meteorological Data.] 

Tho statistics of temperature of central and interior Alaska ^iven below 
are of especial interest at the present time. The climate of tho coast is com- 
paratively well knovn. cliieHy thron^h the compilation of Dr. William H. 
ball, jint.lishod in the Pacific Coast Pilot, Alaska, Appendix I, Meteorology 
ami Hil>lioi,'ra)>hv, Wa.shin^'ton, lf<T!t. , „. 

The chain of c-oast stations in AK-i.-ska maintamed by the RiRn.il Servico 
(now Wtather Bureau) was extcmie I ui> the Yukon in tho fall of l.><.s;.', and a 
lew fragmentary series of nu-ti-oroloj,'ical observations were maintained at 
the trading posts of the Ahiska Commercial Company during the closed sea- 
son. As soon as the ii-e went out of tho river observatiims were dJscontiii- 
ned, not to be resumed until tho end of tho onen season, about the middle of 
Soi)tomber. The observing stations, with their geographical coordinates, 
are given below. The names of the .stations are those now in use, with the 
following excei)tions: Nuklukayot is given on the most recent Coast Survey 
mail of Alaska as "Tuklukyet." 

The post is but a few mile.s b?low tho .lunction of the Yukon and Tanana 
rivers; indeed, it is not certain but that observations were made at tho 
mouth of the Tanana for a portion of the time. Tchatowklin was known in 
18K1 as Johnny's Village or Klat-ol-Klin (Sch\vatka>. Tho t'o.-vst Survey map 
gives tho name as "Belle Isle.'' Camp ( 'olonna, the station ou the PorL-ujiino 
River at its intersection with the one hundred and fortylirst meridian, was 
oc<-apied by tho boundary survey party scut out by the United States Coast 
and Geodetic Survey, under the leadership of Mr. .1. II. Turner. Camj) 
Davidson is the station at tho intersection of the one hundred and forty-first 
meridian and tho Yukon. It was occupied by a Coa.st Survey party under 
the charge of Mr. J. E. McGrath. 
3o;3 



38 









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40 



Mr. PETTIGREW. But what is more. Mr. President, when 
you get the harbor of Honolulu, most of the ships in our Navy 
can not carry coal enough to get fi-om there to Manila. Thei-eare 
several of them in this list. I sent to the Navy Department for 
information and on January 11, 1808, they sent me the following 

letter: 

Department op the Navy, 
Bureau ov Steam Engineeri.vg, 

Wusltinf/fon, D. C, Janua>-y 11, 1?03. 
Sir: 1. Your letter of January 5, 1898, addrossod to the Secretary of the 
Nayy, requesting certain information as to the coal capacity and steaming 
radnis of first-class battle ships and cruisers of the lirst rate, has been referred 
to this Bureau. 

■ 3. In reply the Bureau transmits the following table, which contains the 
information dosirod : 



Name. 


Type. 


Coal- 
bunker 
capacity. 


Steaming: ra- 
dius on tills 
coal at most 
economic 
rate. 


Steaming ra- 
dius on this 

coal at maxi- 
mum speed 
^Yith forced 
draft. 




First-class battle ship 

.... do - 


Tons. Knots. 
1,790 *6,000 
1,550 4,805 


Knots. 

+ 2,355 




+ 2,671 


Massachusetts.. 


do 

.. do 


1,560 
1,540 
l.:!00 
1,200 
1,(KX) 
1,520 
1,100 


4;*97 
5,205 
4,343 
4,486 
*7,000 
0,834 
0,105 


+ 2,285 
+ 2,448 


Brooklyn 


Armored cruiser 

. . do 


+ 1,404 
+ 1,344 


Columbia 

Minneapolis 


Protected cruiser 

do 

....do 


+ 1,840 
+ 1,565 
tl,408 













* Estimated. , , 

+ From official trial on basis of 3.4 pounds of coal per 1 hor.5epower. 

i From official trial, actual figures. 

Yery respectfully, ^^^^ ^ MELVILLE, 

Engineer in Chief, United States y'avy, Chief of Bureau, 

Hon. R. P. Pettigrew, 

United States ISenate, Washington, B. C. 

coaling ships for MANILA. 

Now we will tate the Massachusetts. The H[assachi(seits, 
Bteaming at tho most economical rate, can sail 4,71)7 miles. She 
can just get from Honolulu, by the shortest route, to Manila if 
nothing happens, and this distance that she can travel is from the 
official trial. She can not d& it in practice. Everybody knows 
that the officiaitrial is in excess of what these ships can accom- 
plish at sea. And so that vessel, which can only carry coal enough 
to get 4,797 miles, according to the test at her official trial, cannot 
carry coal enough to get quite to Manila. She would be 3 miles 
short with every favorcable circumstance, with no adverse winds 
or storms. Yet that is a coaling station for Manila, and we are 
going to annex this undesirable people and their possessions for 
tiie purpose of getting a place where we can coal ships that can 
not carry coal enough to get to the place we want to get to, when 
we have a coaling station at our own harbor in tho Aleutian 
Islands on the shortest route, within 3,700 miles of where we want 
to go. 

There is not a vessel in the Navy that can not coal at Kiska and 
get to Manila. There is not a single vessel in the Navy but what 

£523 



it from Kl^W:l 1 


.. \fn!i;';i 


I TiiPr« 


' r»vel frt': 




'•^ 


- in th- V- 




.:« 



41 

could carry c<x\\ o\u^\\A\ t.. tnl: 

are several o; 

and yet won: 

the policy of • . i r 

to secure a C' 

Now, Ipt lis >. 
mored crnis^r, if .'• 
sail 4,;!JJ mih'9, n;. , 

when shit ran out oi coal if lo 

coaled at Kiska sho could re. !■ .<•• 

k'Tt ill her bunkers. 

And yet this Administration is bound to Bend them bv this for- 

oiirn island t - '-'o the int. r • - ' •' - ■ '-■ • — If 

this ship, tin the arm : lO 

can sail, she > y cover 1. . <«d 

draft the consumption of coal ia Hirai>iy enormoua. iiut, sniluifj 
by the most economical use of coal, hailintj slowly, al>out !S knots 
an hour, she ran get within WH) miles of Alanila. And yt t you 
waut Honolulu to coal ships for Manila, and so you force this 
thin^ hero as a war measure. 

The Aint» York\ another cruiser, can sail J, l>>r> miles, and then 
Fhe is out of coal, and she is lUO mik-u from Manila if she coals at 
Honolulu. 

If you are going to make the American people believe that this 
is a war measure and is noce.-^ary in order to rescue Dewey, an- 
swer these things; do not sit silent and refuse to debate this <iuob- 
tion, but giro us something to justify alxuidoniiig the ceiitury- 
old policy of oiir coimtry. If tliis ship, the S<w \\>rk\ shoifld sail 
as fast as she is able to sail uuder forced draft, she would only go 
1,344 miles. 

We have other vessels. The Joiwr, a first-class battle ship, ac- 
cording to these figures, could sail 0,000 miles, but there is not a 
ship in the whole list that can travel under forced draft fr<jm 
Honolulu to San Fi'ancis^o and have any coal laft. 

THE FOGS OF THE ALKITIAX HOITE. 

But it is said this route is obscured by fog. Mr. President, 
I crossed the ocean on this route, and I asked the sailing mas- 
ter of tfie ship, anticipating this debate, to give mo a map of 
the ship's course and the number of miles it sailed each day and 
our exact location every noon-. The sailing master made me out 
thi3 map and gave mo the route traveled, the distance we traveled 
everyday, and the point we were atevery noon. This w.xs in Au- 
gust. We started from Vancouver. Wo sailed 4.2<JO miles to Yo- 
kohama. By this route from Vancouver, from our own jiort to 
Manila, it is 0,012 miles. It is a thotisund miles shorter than 
from San Francisco via Honolulu to Manila. 

Wo sailed the first day U09 miles; the next day 330 miles; the 
next day 347; the next day 34«; the next day ;r)2; the ne.tt day 
343; and August 7, when wo were exactly oppobito Unalaska. 
we made the biggest day's run— we made -i^t'-l miles. August 8 wo 
made345 miles; August I) we made 307 mile^. Wo(j\-ere then exactly 
south of the Island of Kiska and withiu 70 miles of it. We had 1 een 
going along the Aleutian chain for three or four days. We had 
not seen the sun since we started. It was foggy, but not .'^o foggy 
as to impede navigation; not so foggy as to do other than obscuro 
the sun; not so foggy that you could not see for miles at sea. 

3533 



42 

I asked the sailing master and the captain of the ship if they 
traveled that route summer and winter. I was told that they did, 
and that in winter there was no fog; that the foggiest season was 
in the warmest weather, and that that never impeded their prog- 
ress or was any impediment to navigation. That line of steamers, 
the Canadian Pacitic Line, as fine a line of steamers as crosses any 
Bea, follow that route summer and winter, and they have made 
the quickest trips that were ever made across the Pacific Ocean. 
One of their ships covered the entire distance in ten days, and 
could have gone from Vancouver to Manila, at the same speed, in 
less than fifteen days. Yet Senators seem determined to have a 
coaling station in the Tropics off from the line of travel. To the 
assumption that this route is covered with fog and obstructed by 
ice, that it has slioal water, is it not a complete answer that this 
line of steamships travel year in and year out along that line? 

Mr. GRAY. Is that the great circle route? 

Mr. PETTIGREW. It is the great circle route. It is a straight 
line. It is called the great circle route. 

Mr. GRAY. It is the shortest distance on the surface of the 
globe. 

Mr. PETTIGREW. On the surface of the globe. This is prac- 
tically the great circle. However, the great circle would carry 
a ship north of the Aleutian Islands. Of course they do not go 
north of the Aleutian Islands, because it is unnecessary for the 
slight advantage that would come in saving distance to go in and 
out between these islands w'hen they have a plain, clear, open 
ocean by holding to a course south of the islands. The ocean 
within oO miles of the Aleutian chain, on the south side, is 18,000 
feet deep; there are no rocks and no shoal; it is absolutely an 
open sea, and there is no imj)ediment and no obstruction what- 
ever to navigation. 

ABSURD EXPERT TESTIMONY. 

I notice some of the officials of the Navy Department insist upon 
claiming that this route is not a good one, and Mr. Melville — I 
never met him— tells us that we must have the Sandwich Islands 
in order to guard Alaska. The man who will make such a propo- 
sition must be suffering from softening of the brain. 

The Committee on Foreign Relations have chosen to piiblish as 
an appendix to their report a statement by Melville that we must 
have the Islands of Hawaii in order to protect our possessions in 
Alaska. He proceeds to relate the story of a stream of commerce 
going to Alaska. Here is the statement of George W. Melville, 
Engineer in Chief of the United States Navy, on Alaskan com- 
merce exposed to hostile fleets. He says: 

In tho event of conflict between the United States and a maritime power 
this tlironp; of richly laden but helpless vessels will present to the enemy a 
noble fiild for attack by the "guerre do course," that "commerce d(>stroy- 
ing" wliich first formed a factor of naval war during the reii,'n of Elizabeth 
of Entrlaud, which was followed with such di/adly elTect by the Alabama and 
her consorts, and which has at this time many strong advocates, notably in 
the United States and Prance. 

HAWAII COMMANDS ALASKAN ROUTE. 

Now, Hawaii commands fully this ocean route, at adist.nnco from it of less 
than ^,5011 miles— not five days' steaming for the cruiser Columbia. 

If the Columbia covered the distance in five days, she would not 
have a pound of coal, because she would have to sail at her great- 
est speed, and her coal would be exhausted. What could she do 
in the way of attacking commerce after sailing a distance of 2,.'500 
30:.'3 



4. J 

luiles at tho ruU> of TiOO miles a day? She couKI only ru 1 .soo milef 
at •*■ • - ■' • • ctnl wild! slio wmild bo cot of mal, and yet tho 
(■"'■ tho Navy st-ntls to tls<« c'onnnittoe on Foreign 

K' ; t of stuff, and thoy retail it to us. 

Tlitju ho tt'lis us what u lar^^o coiuuuTi-o we will have witli 
Alaska— how tho ships will sjM»ed hark and forth loaded with K»'Id 
and ni>-n. How thoy would Im» iirotoited from Honolulu I ran not 
nndorstand. Here is Honolulu lindi(\'itinR on the map], hero is 
yan I^.incisco limliratiii;;!, and liero is Ali^ska (indicating,'). Ac- 
cording; to Mr. >l.Ivilli\ wht-n wo want to prott-ct Alaska and tho 
Aleutian chain wt- •.luiU have our lleet at this pioint iSan Fran- 
ciso) anil run down here to Honolulu, 'J, KXJ miles directly away 
from Alaska. What is his opinion worth under these circum- 
stam-es? 

Who cares anytliing abont tho testimony of exports when they 
tell us snch stuff as that? How will we protect tho Aleutian 
chain, fortify I'naliiska, fortify tii'« harbors of the Aleutian chain, 
fortify the s[)l«'ndid ports that wo have all alon^; this chain? 1 do 
not think we out;ht to fortify tliem; I do not think it is necessary; 
but if we must have fortified places and i>orts in tho Pacific, thoso 
are the ones to fortify. [Indicating.] Prot.rt Ahiska from liere, 
from Kiska and Unalaska; and yet tliat is Melvilles proposition. 
Here is Unalaska Bay [indicat'in.!::|; here is Kiska (iiidicatin;;!, 
and here is Alaska (indicating], and ho is going to i)rotect it from 
this point. He starts from Honolulu, from two to three thonsand 
miles from Alaska— farther from Alaska by a thousand miles tlian 
Seattle— gix?s down to within :.'0' of the e<iuator to iSan Francisco 
to protect Alaska, which extends from oO' north latitude to tho 
North Polo. That is tho proposition of Mr. Melville, flio Chief 
Engineer of the United States Navy. I have never met him and 
do not know how old he is, but he is certainly suffering from 
softening of the brain. 

POETIC MISINFORMATION. 

I read from a memorandum prepared for Hon. C. H. GitosvE- 
NOR, M. C. with respect to the question of the route from San 
Francisco to Yokohama: 

Anyone at all familiar with the soa is aware that one of the irreatost dan- 
gers to navitration is fop. aud tho m-n about Unalaska is one of the fo^^iest 
regions in tho whole world. Prol'nMy uearlj- every liody prosent has enjoyed 
reading tho poems of Rudyard Kipling known as "Tho Seven Seas," which 
include a short cue called " The Khymo of tho Three Sealers"— 

I think he has studied Rudyard Kipling more than he has geog- 
raphy or the weather— 

and he there depicts in most graphic style tho density of tho fog which is 
found in the neigliborhood of this port which my friends have advertinod as 
so desirable as a port of call. Of course I have not rested content with Mr. 
Kipling's poem alone, but have taken paius to verify the statements tlii'ro 
made by inquiring of naval olliccrs and others who have spent coiisideraldo 
time near the Aleutian group, and they have Iwld mo that Mr. Kiplinga pic- 
ture is not overdrawn at all— 

So ho was never there himself; and that is what I supposed— 

Tliere are times, however, in the wintf-r when there iselear weather, but then 
this most attractive port is closed by the ice— 

And yet there has been no ice in it since 1872— 

for, in spite of the .Tap.an current, which corresponds to tlie 0«lf Strcftm ia 
the Atlantic, the region around L'naloska Ls bl-jckcd with flow ice — 
3523 



44 

This is more testimony from a man who is certainly suffering 
from softening of the brain, for our own Weather Bureau tells us 
that tliere has been no ice in Unalaska Harbor since 1872, and their 
record of temperature shows that ice can not form there; and yet 
this is what our Chief Engineer of the Navy sends to the House 
of Representatives — 

There arc, of course, openings in this ice, and vessels that make a business 
of arctic cruising miglit utilize them, but it can be readily appreciated that 
the fine passenger and freight steamers sailing from San Francisco are not 
going to run tliis risk. 

Those openings extend from 1872 np to the present time; and 
yet there is no ice there, and those openings will continue until 
there is some ice, I suppose; and j-et Mr. Melville says that vessels 
used to Arctic cruising can get through those holes in the ice, 
when there is no ice. and this statement is paraded to the country 
as an argument against a route over which all commerce travels, 
unless it is given an inducement to go out of its way. He then 
Bays: 

Now let us compare with th.is region of ice and fog the earthly paradise 
which Hawaii will furnish us. 

He then draws the comparison, and those can read it who choose 
to do so. 

Another letter, which was used in the other House by Mr. 
Grosvenor, was from John R, Bartlett, captain United States 
Navy, Chief Intelligence Officer, and former Hydrographer. He ■ 
says: 

On the accompanying chart, which is a copy of the pilot chart of the North 
Pacific Ocean, published by the Hydrographic Office, No. 1401, are shown the 
various routes between San Francisco and Manila which may be discussed. 

The route B is the great circle route, and is the shortest. Its length is 
6, 2.54 miles. This route is best adapted for the eastward voy.age at nearly all 
times of the year, and possibly the westward voyage in the summer months. 

ANOTHER EXPERT TESTIFIES. 

I took this very rotate in August over this very track, and the 
former Chief Hydrographer of the Navy Department, one of Mr. 
Melville's subordinates, who has been drawing these maps and 
charts and seoms to have studied the subject, and even now would 
not take his information secondhand or in any other way, abso- 
lutely contradicts Melville's statement, and says: 

The route "B " is the great circle route, and is the shortest. Its length is 
6,254 miles. This route is best adapted for the eastward voyage at nearly all 
times of the year. 

Why? Because by the eastern voyage you go with the Japan 
current, and possibly the western voyage in the summer mouths. 
I will publish a part of his letter as a ijart of my remarks. 

The letter referred to is as follows: 

Navy Department, Office of Navat. Intkm.igence, 

M'ashington, June 13, 1S9S. 

Sir: Your letter of June 11, 1898, addressed to the honorable Secretary of 
the Navy, re(iu('sting data in regard to routes from San Francisco to Manila, 
has been referred to mo. 

I take jjloasure in sending hei-ewith the data rerjuestod. It is brief, but I 
think covers all the points which you wish. The only way for a steamer to 
go to Manila from San Francisco is by a rhumb or straight line during ten 
months in the year, which would take them quite near to the Sandwich 
Islands. But the most important point is the statement of the Bureau of 
Steam Engineering that we have not a ship in the service, except the Minne- 
3523 



45 

aiMlit and Cotumhia, whirh coaUl mako tUo royaso fruiu Siui Kranriaco I 
Uaiiila without rccoalinK on the wajr. 

1 bavo tUo bonur to be, rtMitoctfuUT, 

JOHM K nARTLKTT. 
■ f lHtfUi<;rnce OJIcer,aHti furmtr HiftiriMjiaither, 



:.'U(|IV«. 



Jtovt-<^- m -■.,.. I.'..,.. .... <.. w,,„ ..• I ., ...» . ..c v,,..,/ i-.i.lhpt'nr*^ 

li; '' ' > Aiif^. 

«' . .! t of tho 

Norlll i .l.lli ■ < .•■.-.III. ;.ili.ii-:.. .1 i'\ !:.■• ii \ .i i ■ >;r.i ; ;.. • • 'i.: ••. .■> •• 1 1"! . nrtj 

f<howa tho variuuit ruutoH Ltotwovu Sau KraULlMcu auU Mauila wlil^li may lio 
dLscusstnl. 

Tho route B is tho proat iMrrlo ro;it<». ar- ' ••!'-• • '• ' • -'ii la 
C.254 will's. This n.uti- w l)^st a.lajittsl fi.r t i - .Ul 

tiiuca of tho year, and i>'ja:iibl)' ihu wcstwar . ' Ua. 

DIFFKItCXT UOl°TE:i FROM .SAM lUA.M. l.-vi. vJ lu MA.Sll.A. 

Great cirrlo rotitc B, 0.2M milos. Advantam*. ahortoat dlat4inc«. DituMlran- 
ta(^, rouKh weather; vuriablo \viud.t'; udvorau eurreiitit oX about 1 uiilu aa 
hour; foM. 

lihumu lino E. usual r'^t'«. n..V« m-If^si Advantat{e3, generally favorable 
weather; fuvi.rablo \ ; '■-' • 

Southern route v. w^o, 0,900 inile^. DLKadvantaKO, 

longest route. Adv:.. fair winds; f(»riin«i'I'« ■••irrent 

of nearly 1 milo an li' 11. « nil ..;■" •! ii.u ...r for rt>(o:i' — ■ ' - ' rat 

about one-third tho <n.st;ini-e aiTus-s. KurtlierMior»', t: ds 

along this course, which arc not inhabited, would give ;i ,-oa 

for coaling, if necessary. 

Returning by Honoluln tho ship would run again.st this current, and 
therefore tho sh.>rtest routo is tho only practical rnute. a.H vou nju.st hava 
a route which i.s theouicKest going and cowing by w.av of the Aleutian Inlands 
and KLslcv. Going and_coining either way a 8hii> could, and they do, save 
several days' time either from San Franoisco or I'ugct Sound. 

Mr. PETTIGRE W. O? conrso Kiska is south of tho shortest line. 
The great circle route, the route ships sail. iias.scd about 70 miles 
south of this island, instead of ;300 miles. iShips take this route be- 
cause they do not wish to pa.ss in and out bet\\"''en the island^s, and 
therefore it is a slight modification of the great circle route. 

Let us see if what he says about currents, etc., is justifieil. If 
yo}i have an adverse current going one way, you will have it in 
yotir favor going the other way; and tho Ganadiau Pacific ships 
follow the route the year around both ways. 

As I say. Mr. President, tho route which we took in cro.*;sing 
from Vancouver to Yokohama, in Japan, went within 70 miles of 
the harbor of Kiska. We went within DO niiles of tho Aleutian 
Islands. Ordinarily in winter vessels go within 4 or .T miles of the 
Aleutian Islands. It is the route to the Orit-nt and is along tho 
shore of our own country to within ;5,70i) miles of Mauila and to a 
point within JOO miles of the coast of ^Vbia. 
3aS3 



LibKHKY Uh CUNUKti>b 



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